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SEPARATE  SET  BY  PEELING  AT  THIS  SHEET 
2      AND  BREAKING  SPOT  PASTING   IN  STUB 


"MAKERS  OF  AMERICA" 


THOMAS  HOOKER 


Preacl)er,  JTouufter,  aDemocrat 


BY 


GEORGE   LEON  WALKER 


NEW  YORK 
DODD,   MEAD,   AND    COMPANY 

PUBUSHERS 


HI'S 


Copyright,  1891, 
By  Dodd,  Mead,  and  Co. 

All  rights  reserved. 


mnibersttg  l^rcss : 
John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge. 


PREFACE. 


One  striking  diiference  in  the  advantages  possessed 
by  a  biographer  of  the  more  distinguished  personages 
of  the  Massachusetts  and  of  the  Connecticut  colonies 
is  the  comparative  destitution,  in  the  latter  case,  of 
the  aids  afforded  by  contemporaneous  diaries,  his- 
tories, and  portraits.  The  lack  of  such  writings 
in  the  Connecticut  annals  is  a  little  surprising;  the 
want  of  portraits  may  be  considerably  accounted  for 
by  the  remoter  and  poorer  conditions  of  the  inland 
settlement. 

No  portrait  or  other  contemporaneous  representa- 
tion of  Mr.  Hooker  remains.  The  picture  which 
prefaces  this  volume  is  taken  from  Niehaus's  statue, 
ordered  by  the  Commonwealth  of  Connecticut  for  the 
State  Capitol ;  in  the  making  of  which  the  artist  com- 
pared the  likenesses  of  various  and  widely  separated 
members  of  Mr.  Hooker's  lineal  posterity,  among 
whom  exists,  however,  a  strong  family  resemblance. 
Attired  thus  in  the  characteristic  costume  of  the  time, 
the  figure  affords  a  not  improbably  fair  representation 
of  the  great  Founder  of  the  Colony. 


Vi  PREFACE. 

The  present  writer  had  occasion,  in  1884,  in  nar- 
rating the  two  hundred  and  fifty  years'  history  of  the 
Hartford  Church,  of  which  Mr.  Hooker  was  the  first 
pastor,  to  pubUsh,  in  a  volume  of  local  imprint  and 
limited  circulation,  together  with  the  biographies  of 
subsequent  pastors,  the  story  of  Mr.  Hooker  also. 
Subsequent  repeated  visits  to  the  scenes  of  Mr. 
Hooker's  English  ministrations,  as  well  as  investiga- 
tions at  home,  have  added  to  the  facts  there  narrated. 
Still,  in  addressing  on  the  same  theme  the  wider  con- 
stituency of  the  Makers  of  America  series,  the  writer 
could  not,  without  awkwardness  and  even  affectation, 
avoid  the  frequent  use  of  language  in  which  he  had 
already  narrated  the  same  biographical  and  historical 
incidents.  He  has  therefore  drawn  without  hesitation 
on  his  own  previous  statements,  so  far  as  the  altered 
proportions  of  a  separate  biography  and  added  facts 
and  illustrations  suited  him  to  do. 

The  valuable  bibliography  of  Mr.  Hooker's  pub- 
lished writings  (found  in  Appendix  H.)  was  compiled 
by  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  LL.D.,  to  whom  indebted- 
ness is  due,  also,  for  the  discovery  and  rescue  from 
oblivion  of  the  most  important  manuscript  docu- 
ments illustrative  of  Mr.  Hooker's  chief  title  to 
remembrance. 

Hartford,  Conn., 

September  i.  1891. 


CONTENTS. 


Chapter  Page 

I.    Birth  and  Boyhood  Associations    .        1-17 
II.    Education  and  Residence  at  Cam- 
bridge            18-31 

III.  Hooker's  English  Ministry     .     .     .      32-51 

IV.  Life  in  Holland  and  Departure  for 

America 52-70 

V.    In  Massachusetts  and  Removal  to 

Connecticut 71-93 

VI.    Hooker  in  Connecticut 94-154 

Section      1 94-ii7 

"  II 118-133 

ni 134-54 

VII.    Thomas  Hooker's  Writings    .    .    .    155-177 

APPENDIX. 

I.    Hooker's  Will  and  Inventory      .     178-183 
II.    Hooker's  Published  Works  .    .    .     184-195 

INDEX 197-203 


LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 


CHAPTER   I. 

BIRTH    AND    BOYHOOD   ASSOCIATIONS. 

Come,  Hooker,  come  forth  of  thy  native  soile. 

Johnson:   Wonder-lVorkiug  Providence,  1654. 

Thomas  Hooker  was  bom  at  Marfield  in  Leicester 
County,  England,  probably  on  July  7,  1586.  This 
little  hamlet  of  Marfield  —  variously  spelled  in  Leices- 
ter records  as  Mardifeud,  Mardefelde,  Markfelde, 
Markfild,  Marefield,  as  well  as  Marfield  —  is  one  of 
four  tithings  which  make  up  the  parish  of  Tilton,  or 
Tiltoji  super  montcni,  as  the  old  chronicles  often  have 
it ;  the  other  three  being  Tilton,  Halstead,  and  What- 
borough.  These  four  tithings  or  towns  have  for  their 
common  place  of  worship  the  stately  gray-stone 
church  of  St.  Peter,  dating  from  the  days  of  King 
John,  built  on  the  hill-top  corner  of  the  Tilton  pre- 
cinct of  the  parish,  and  commanding  one  of  the 
widest  and  most  beautiful  landscape-views  of  Midland 
England.  Around  the  church  lies  the  churchyard, 
with  four  gates  giving  access  to  the  four  precincts  of 
the  ground  allotted  as  a  burial-place  to  the  inhabitants 


2  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

of  the  four  tithings  which  constitute  the  parish.  The 
church  itself  is  an  interesting  specimen  of  Early  Eng- 
lish architecture,  with  embattled  tower,  surmounted 
by  an  old,  but  later- added  spire,  pierced  by  eight 
open  windows,  —  a  landmark  visible  from  far.  The 
word  "  steeple-chase  "  is  said  to  be  of  Leicester 
County  origin,  and  to  have  been  derived  from  the 
many  spires  surmounting  the  hill-tops  of  this  county, 
toward  some  one  of  which,  in  default  of  game,  the  dis- 
appointed hunters  directed  their  chase ;  the  first  to 
gain  which  was  accounted  victor  as  if  he  had  been 
"  in  at  the  death  "  of  fox  or  deer. 

It  is  with  a  feeling  of  surprise  that  one  sees  so 
stately  and  beautiful  an  edifice  in  so  comparatively 
quiet  and  solitary  a  spot.  Four  ancient  bells  hang 
in  the  tower,  —  three  of  them  bearing  the  inscrip- 
tion /.  H,  S.  Nazai'envs.  Rex,  Ivdeoi^nn.  Fili.  Dei. 
Misere.  Mei. ;  and  one,  of  somewhat  later  date,  the 
motto,  Ff-aise  the  Lord.  These  bells  doubtless  in 
former  times  summoned  a  far  larger  congregation  to 
worship  in  the  house  below  them  than  they  can  have 
gathered  for  several  centuries  past.  The  Wars  of 
the  Roses  did  much,  in  the  two  hundred  years  before 
the  period  at  which  our  story  begins,  to  depopu- 
late the  whole  region ;  but  the  wonder  still  remains 
here,  as  well  as  in  many  other  parts  of  England,  how 
such  churches  as  the  traveller  finds  in  the  quietest  and 
most  secluded  portions  of  the  land  could  have  been 
built  amid  so  sparse  a  population  as  at  any  time  lived 
on  the  soil  about  them. 

But  in  young  Hooker's  day  matters  in  this  respect 


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.  3 

of  numbers  attendant  on  the  services  of  the  parish- 
church  could  not  have  been  much  different  from  their 
condition  at  present.  Twenty-two  years  before  he 
was  born  a  parUamentary  return  gives  the  number  of 
houses  in  Tilton  as  twenty-eight,  in  Halstead  as  six- 
teen, in  Whatborough  one,  and  in  "  Markfield  "  six. 
To-day  Marfield  has  five;  though  as  late  as  1882  the 
present  writer  saw  some  carved  beams  which  had  be- 
longed to  another.  These  however,  on  a  later  exami- 
nation, in  1886,  were  found  to  have  been  destroyed. 

The  visitor  to  the  region,  therefore,  may  be  confi- 
dent that  he  sees  all  things  substantially  as  they  were 
when  the  boyish  eyes  of  young  Thomas  Hooker  looked 
upon  them.  The  picturesque  old  church  of  mottled 
gray  on  Tilton  hill-top,  compassed  round  by  the  dead 
of  the  different  precincts  of  the  parish ;  the  wide 
prospect  of  alternating  woodland  and  open  fields  and 
spire-surmounted  hills  toward  every  compass-point ; 
the  old  Rose  and  Crown  Inn,  which  Cromwell  made 
his  head-quarters  when  his  army  lay  in  this  vicinity ; 
the  thatch-covered  houses  which  hang  irregularly 
around  the  summit  occupied  by  the  church  and  its 
Acre  of  God ;  and  the  little  Marfield  hamlet  em- 
bowered in  trees  down  in  the  valley,  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  away,  and  approached  through  rustic  gates 
and  stiles  which  the  visitor  opens  or  climbs  as  he  de- 
scends through  the  sweet  green  fields,  —  all  present  a 
spectacle  which  cannot  be  materially  different  from 
the  aspect  it  wore  two  and  three  hundred  years  ago. 

Of  the  family  ancestors  of  Thomas  Hooker  there  is 
at  present  little  known.     His  father,  Thomas,  appears 


4  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

to  have  come  to  Marfield  from  Blaston  in  the  same 
county,  in  some  capacity  as  overseer  of  the  large 
landed  properties  of  the  Digby  family;  and  as  his 
grandfather  bore  the  Christian  name  of  "  Kenellyme," 
it  seems  to  be  indicated  that  the  connection  with  the 
Digby  family,  with  whom  Kenelm  was  a  frequently  re- 
current name,  must  have  been  of  long  standing.  The 
records  of  Tilton  parish  previous  to  1610  having  dis- 
appeared, it  is  impossible  to  state  the  date  of  young 
Thomas's  birth  or  baptism.  His  mother,  "  Mrs. 
Hooker  wife  to  Mr.  Hooker  of  Marefield  was  buryed," 
April,  1631  ;  his  father,  ''Thomas  Hooker  of  Mare- 
field was  burried  "  July  24,  1635;  and  his  brother 
"  Mr.  John  Hooker  of  Marfeild  were  burryed  "  Jan. 
25,  1654.  These  are  all  the  references  to  the  family 
which  appear  on  the  extant  records  of  the  parish. 
But  the  title  "  Mr.,"  used  in  mention  both  of  the 
father  and  brother  of  our  Thomas,  indicates  that  the 
family  was  regarded  as  of  honourable  standing.  The 
will  of  the  brother  John,  above  mentioned,  dated 
Jan.  I,  1654-5,  a  few  days  before  he  died,  and 
proved  at  London  on  November  26  of  the  same 
year,  as  the  will  of  "John  Hooker  of  Marfield,  Co. 
Leicester,  Gentleman,"  gives  the  same  impression  of 
recognized  social  position.  This  will  bequeaths  to 
''Samuel  Hooker,  student  in  New  England,  ;£ioo;  " 
and  to  "John  Hooker,  student  at  Oxford,  ;^20o." 
These  were  the  two  sons  of  our  Thomas,  who  at  the 
date  of  this  will  had  been  some  seven  years  dead  in 
Hartford.  The  first  named,  Samuel,  was  then  about 
graduating  at  Harvard  College,  and  soon  —  in  1661 


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.  5 

—  to  be  minister  at  Farmington ;  and  the  other,  John, 
was  our  Thomas's  oldest  son,  of  whom  his  dying  father 
said  in  his  will,  July  7,  1647,  "  Howeuer  I  do  not  for- 
bid my  Sonne  John  from  seeking  and  taking  a  wife  in 
England,  yet  I  doe  forbid  him  from  marrying  and  tarry- 
ing there."  The  young  man  did  however  marry  and 
tarry  there,  and  became  a  minister  of  the  Episcopal 
church,  rector  of  Lechamposted  in  Bucks,  dying  in 
1684.  There  were  also  in  the  Marfield  family  of  our 
Thomas's  father  at  least  four  daughters,  one  of  whom 
married  a  "revolutionist  by  the  name  of  Pymm ; " 
another,  Frances,  married  a  Tarlton  of  London ;  an- 
other, Dorothy,  married  John  Chester  of  Blaby,  Lei- 
cester County ;  and  another  married  Mr.  John  Alcock, 
aftenvard  deacon  of  the  church  in  Roxbury,  Massa- 
chusetts. Who  the  mother  was  who  presided  over 
the  crowded  household  in  the  little  Marfield  home  is 
at  present  unknown.  Little  can  be  recorded  of  her 
save  that  she  lived  long  enough  to  see  one  of  her 
boys  become  a  preacher  sufficiently  famous  to  attract 
crowds  whenever  he  spoke  at  the  great  parish-church 
of  Leicester  twelve  miles  away,  to  know  of  his  exile 
to  Holland,  and  to  mourn  the  death  ^  of  one  of  her 
daughters  in  that  far  American  land  to  which  that  son 
was  still  some  years  later  to  flee. 

The  family  life  at  Marfield  may  have  been  comfort- 
able and  happy,  but  it  must  have  been  narrow  and 
limited.  Its  chief  points  of  interest,  outside  the  con- 
cerns of  home  and  the  labours  by  which  home  wants 
were  provided  for,  must  have  been  in  the  church. 
1  Young's  Massachusetts,  p.  314. 


6  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Even  the  material  edifice  which  lifted  itself  as  the 
most  prominent  object  before  the  eye,  contained  many 
things  suited  to  touch  duller  imaginations  than  young 
Thomas  certainly  had,  or  than  were  possessed  probably 
by  the  whole  group  of  brothers  and  sisters  to  whom 
the  old  building  on  the  hill  must  have  been  at  once 
the  home  of  their  fancy  and  their  faith. 

There  was  the  quaint  octagonal  font  at  which  had 
been  baptized  the  generations  of  Tilton's  parishioners 
from  near  the  days  of  the  Conquest.  There  were  the 
monumental  effigies  of  Jehan  de  Digbie  and  his  wife ; 
he  a  crusader  —  lying  cross-legged  with  hand  on  his 
half-drawn  sword,  at  his  feet  a  lion  —  who  died  in 
1269,  and  whose  stone  likeness  was  laid  here  not 
long  after,  with  an  inscription  in  old  Norman  French 
asking  prayers ;  she,  full-robed,  large-moulded,  lying 
by  his  side,  a  lap-dog  at  her  feet.  There,  too,  was 
another  of  the  same  family  of  a  later  generation, 
great-grandfather  of  a  boy  six  years  older  than 
Thomas  Hooker  was,  —  which  boy  young  Thomas 
might  sometimes  have  seen  at  Tilton,  where  so  much 
of  the  family  property  lay,  —  great-grandfather,  that 
is  to  say,  of  Sir  Everard  Digby  of  the  Gunpowder 
•Plot,  executed  in  St.  Paul's  churchyard  in  1606. 
This  old  ancestor  of  the  youth  who  was  to  attain  so 
sinister  an  eminence  lay  there  in  coat-of-mail,  a  fleur- 
de-lis  on  his  shield ;  having  just  before  his  death 
executed  his  will :  "  I  bequeathe  my  sowle  to  God  all 
myghty,  our  blessed  lady  Seynt  Mary  and  all  the 
Seynts  of  heven,  my  boddie  to  be  buryed  in  the 
parishe  church  of  Seynt  Peter  at  Tilton,  before  the 


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.  7 

Ymcige  of  the  blessed  Trinitie  att  our  Lady  authur." 
Other  monuments  and  escutcheons  were  there  beside, 
to  waken  inquiry  and  to  freshen  fireside-legend  and 
romantic  tale. 

Who  the  vicar  of  the  parish  was  in  Hooker's  boy- 
hood is  probably  only  learned  from  a  broken  brass 
tablet  in  the  church  at  Knossington,  recording  the 
burial-place  of  "  Thomas  Bayle  .  .  .  sometime  rector 
of  Tilton  ;  "  who,  because  we  know  who  came  before 
and  after  him,  may  with  considerable  likelihood  be 
believed  to  have  been  the  minister  by  whom  Hooker 
was  baptized.  Vicar  Bayle  was  succeeded  by  Chris- 
topher Denne.  Little  is  known  of  him,  except  that 
he  was  the  Tilton  rector  in  1 6 1  o,  and  was  probably  a 
young  man,  as  he  had  children  christened  between 
then  and  1613,  as  shown  by  the  parish  records. 

But  concerning  another  minister  of  the  parish  in 
Hooker's  early  manhood,  and  for  several  years  before 
his  brother  John's  burial  in  the  Marfield  grave-plot, 
there  is  quite  definite  information.  It  is  a  sort  of 
information,  moreover,  which  sheds  a  good  deal  of 
light,  not  only  on  the  religious  condition  of  that 
parish,  but  on  that  of  the  important  county  of 
Leicester  and  of  the  country  generally. 

In  the  Minute-books  of  the  Parliamentary  Com- 
mittee of  Sequestration  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  it  is 
recorded,  under  date  of  1645-6,  that  "  Thomas  Silver- 
wood,  minister  to  the  Assembly,  is  referred  to  the 
church  at  Tilton."  An  entry  of  a  later  date,  1647, 
explains  matters :  "  Whereas  the  Vicarage  of  the 
parish  of  Tilton,  in  the  County  of  Leicester,   is,  and 


8^  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

standeth,  sequestrated  by  the  Committee  of  Parlia- 
ment from  Dr.  Mamvaring  for  his  deUnquency,  it  is 
ordered  that  the  said  Vicarage  shall  stand  and  be 
sequestrated  to  the  use  henceforth  of  Thomas  Silver- 
wood,  a  godly  and  orthodox  divine,  and  appointed 
to  officiate  said  cure  by  the  said  Committee  of 
Parliament."  The  nature  of  Dr.  Mamvaring's  "  delin- 
quency "  appears  from  the  report  of  the  Parliamentary 
Survey  of  the  Churches  in  Leicester  County,  on  which 
the  action  of  the  Parliament  in  "  sequestrating  "  one 
minister  "  from "  and  another  *'  to "  the  livings  of 
the  various  Leicester  parishes  is  based.  That  report 
divides  the  Leicester  County  ministers  into  '*  three 
sorts,"  —  first,  "  Preachers,  "  of  whom  there  were  one 
hundred  and  fifty-three ;  second,  "  No  Preachers,  " 
by  which  is  meant  *'  no  preaching  and  dumb 
ministers,"  as  those  who  could  or  would  only 
conduct  service  by  the  use  of  a  liturgy  were  called, 
and  of  these  there  were  seventy-six ;  third,  "  scan- 
dalous of  both  the  former  sorts,  and  they  are  32." 
The  report  further  divides  the  first-mentioned 
'^sort"  of  ministers  in  Leicester,  namely,  "Preach- 
ers," into  four  classes,  —  "sufficient,  102;  weak 
and  unprofitable,  25;  careless  and  negligent,  20; 
corrupt  and  unsound,  6." 

The  particular  incumbent  of  the  Tilton  vicarage  is 
set  down  as  "  no  preacher  and  a  pluralitan,"  from 
which  the  inference  is  that  the  Tilton  vicar  was  an 
anti-Puritan  or  perhaps  high  prelatical  man,  who 
insisted  on  confining  himself  to  the  liturgy  of  the 
church  and  declined    to  preach,   and  that  he   held 


DIRTII  AND  BOYHOOD.  9 

some  other  living  beside  that  of  Tilton.  That  he 
was  "  Dr."  Manwaring  —  as  well  as  Prebendary  of 
Weeford,  as  is  ascertainable  from  another  source  than 
the  parliamentary  statement  about  him  —  suggests 
that  his  "  no  preaching  "  depended  rather  upon  his 
will  than  his  ability ;  making  him  to  differ  in  this 
respect  from  a  great  many  of  the  clergy  of  the  day, 
whose  pulpit  incapacities  were  those  of  ignorance 
more  than  of  choice. 

What  set  young  Hooker  on  a  course  of  education 
cannot  in  particular  be  discovered.  There  can  be  no 
considerable  doubt,  however,  that  the  place  of  his 
preparatory  training  for  the  University  was  the  school 
at  Market- Bosworth,  established  by  Sir  Wolstan  Dixie, 
a  wealthy  Londoner  having  landed  property  at  that 
place,  and  which  was  founded  in  1586,  the  same  year 
in  which  it  is  believed  Hooker  was  born.  Market- 
Bosworth  lies  about  twenty-five  miles  west  from 
Marfield,  and  close  to  the  celebrated  Bosworth-field, 
where  Henry,  Earl  of  Richmond,  defeated  and  killed 
Richard  111. 

The  evidence  on  which  this  statement  of  the  prob- 
able place  of  Hooker's  early  education  rests,  is  the 
fact  that  he  afterward  occupied  at  Emmanuel  College 
one  of  the  two  Wolstan  Dixie  fellowships,  the  conditions 
of  which  demand  that  the  incumbent  be  either  a 
relative  of  the  founder  or  a  graduate  of  Market-Bos- 
worth  School.-^  And  this  connection  of  the  school 
with  Emmanuel  College  may  be  taken  also  as  an  in- 
dication of  the  quality  of  the  religious  influences 
1  Cambridge  Calendar  ;  Ackermanu's  Cambridge,  ii.  234. 


lO        LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

under  which  learners  were  there  brought.  For  Em- 
manuel was  distinctly  a  Puritan  institution,  and  Sir 
Wolstan's  establishment  of  the  two  fellowship  foun- 
dations there,  which  still  bear  his  name,  must  at  least 
signify  that  the  preparatory  school  he  endowed  would 
be  in  sympathy  with  the  Puritan  side  in  then  existing 
ecclesiastical  controversies.  Probably  the  same  in- 
ference may  be  drawn  concerning  the  tendency  of 
the  parochial  instruction  imparted  to  the  pupils  in 
their  residence  at  Market- Bosworth ;  for  Rev.  Wil- 
liam Pelsant,  who  was  rector  there  for  more  than  fifty 
years,  dying  in  1634,  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  board 
of  the  school  governors  appointed  by  its  founder. 

It  was  in  all  likelihood  while  Hooker  was  at  this 
school,  and  about  a  year  before  his  going  to  the 
University,  that  an  anxiously  anticipated  event  oc- 
curred, which  was  looked  for  by  all  parties  in  the  relig- 
ious commonwealth  as  destined  to  affect  profoundly 
the  course  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  —  the  death  of 
Elizabeth,  and  the  accession  of  the  Scottish  Presby- 
terian James  to  the  English  monarchy.  The  long 
reign  of  Elizabeth  had  been  a  protracted  endeavour 
to  maintain  Conformity  to  the  laws  and  ritual  of  the 
Church  against  Puritanism  and  Separatism ;  as  the 
doctrines  of  those  who  desired  to  purify  the  polity  and 
the  usages  of  the  Church,  or  those  who  desired  to  sep- 
arate entirely  from  any  national  religious  establishment 
whatever,  were  respectively  called.  The  numbers 
who  preferred  actual  divorcement  from  the  State 
Church  were,  indeed,  few  compared  with  those  who 
only  wanted  a  reform  of  the  administration  and  prac- 


BIR TH  AND  BO  YIIOOD.  1 1 

tice  within  it.  Some  distinctly  Separatist  movements 
there  had  been  in  England  as  early  as  1566,  and 
more  important  ones  arose  near  the  close  of  the  great 
queen's  reign;  but  the  great  body  of  devout  objectors 
to  the  existing  system  of  affairs  were  Puritans,  not 
Separatists.  And  as  the  Puritans  generally  agreed 
with  the  Genevan  Reformers  in  matters  of  faith,  a 
Puritan  came  to  stand  for  a  man  of  strict  morals,  a 
Calvinist  in  doctrine,  and  a  non-conformist  to  the 
rules  and  discipline  of  the  Church,  though  not  a  re- 
nouncer  of  its  fellowship  or  a  denier  of  its  churchly 
character. 

Into  the  struggle  which  turmoiled  nearly  the  whole 
of  her  reign  by  the  conflict  of  the  dissentient  religious 
parties  in  the  realm,  the  queen  put  the  entire  strength 
of  her  character  and  will.  She  established  a  High 
Commission  Court,  of  which  even  the  Romanist  his- 
torian Lingard,  comparing  it  with  the  Inquisition, 
declares,^  "  The  chief  difference  consisted  in  their 
names."  The  Commission  varied  at  different  periods 
of  its  existence  in  its  personnel  and  its  powers ;  but 
at  its  ripest  development,  as  ordered  under  the  Great 
Seal  in  December,  1583,  was  composed  of  some 
forty- four  bishops,  privy-councillors,  lawyers,  and  offi- 
cers of  State,  any  three  of  whom,  under  the  general 
presidency  of  a  bishop,  constituted  a  court  endued 
with  full  power  to  inquire  into  and  punish  by  fine, 
deprivation,  or  imprisonment  all  opinions  or  practices 
different  from  those  of  the  Established  Church.  This 
High  Commission  vindicated  its  character,  as  de- 
1  History  of  England,  vol.  v.  chap.  vi. 


12  LIFE   OF   THOMAS  HOOKER. 

scribed  by  Hume,  as  a  "  real  Inquisition,  attended 
with  all  the  iniquities  as  well  as  cruelties  inseparable 
from  that  tribunal."  ^  Put  into  effective  operation  by 
Archbishop  Whitgift,  in  the  single  first  year  of  his 
administration,  1584,  two  hundred  and  thirty-three 
ministers  were  suspended  in  six  counties  of  Canter- 
bury alone. '"^ 

Under  the  vigorous  procedures  of  this  body  no  less 
than  a  fourth  part  of  the  clergy  of  England  were,  at 
one  time  and  another,  under  suspension ;  and  this 
not  on  account  of  any  moral  misbehaviour  or  neglect 
of  pastoral  duty,  but  on  account  of  conscientious  con- 
victions which  prevented  their  wearing  certain  pre- 
scribed ecclesiastical  vestments,  their  baptizing  with 
the  sign  of  the  cross,  their  use  of  the  ring  in  marriage, 
their  assent  to  the  apostolical  succession  of  the  epis- 
copate, and  their  obedience  to  churchly  regulations 
which  were,  in  their  opinion,  unjustified  by  Scripture. 

To  people  of  our  comfortable  time  some  of  these 
particulars  of  Puritan  objection  to  the  prescribed 
usages  of  the  Church  Establishment  may  doubtless 
seem  insignificant ;  but  to  the  actors  on  the  then  ex- 
isting stage  they  were  immensely  important.  The 
surplice  was  the  badge  of  that  hierarchical  separation 
of  ministry  and  people  which  long  ages  of  ecclesi- 
astical oppression  had  made  offensive,  and  which  the 
Puritans  believed  was  inconsistent  with  the  doctrine 
of  the  brotherhood  of  all  believers  in  Christ.  The 
sign  of  the  cross  in  baptism  was  a  reminder  of  a  whole 
class  of  superstitious  ceremonies  which  had  come 
1  Eliz.,  chap,  xli.  ^  Neal,  i.  157. 


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.  13 

down  from  a  corrupted  past,  in  which  the  symbol  of 
the  crucifix  was  accorded  a  magical  efficacy  in  exor- 
cising evil  spirits,  in  warding  off  physical  dangers,  as 
well  as  in  securing  spiritual  benefits.  The  ring  in 
marriage  was  the  token  of  that  ecclesiastical  doctrine 
which  made  marriage  exclusively  a  religious  sacra- 
ment under  the  care  and  authority  of  the  Church. 
The  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jesus  was  a  seeming  im- 
peachment of  the  reverence  due  equally  to  the  Father 
and  the  Spirit.  The  observance  of  saints'  days  brought 
recollections  of  ecclesiastical  impositions  which  bur- 
dened life  with  their  restrictions  and  bound  time  in 
fetters  and  obligations  hard  to  bear.  The  rule  of  bish- 
ops associated  with  temporal  dignities  and  powers 
seemed  to  the  Puritan  not  only  an  assumption  of  un- 
warranted authority  by  one  soul  over  another  soul,  but 
an  intrusion  of  churchly  functions  into  a  department 
of  things  not  legitimately  its  own.  These  objections 
were  not  to  the  participators  in  the  then  waging  con- 
flict matters  of  whimsey  or  sentiment.  Every  one  of 
them  stood  for  and  represented  a  principle.  As  a  na- 
tional flag  may  be  the  symbol  of  principles  central  to 
a  people's  life,  and  of  memories  in  which  are  gath- 
ered up  generations  of  history,  so  to  the  Puritan  of 
Elizabeth's  day  the  ring,  the  cross,  the  surplice,  were 
symbols  of  the  whole  of  that  great  conflict  which  had 
been  waging  in  England  and  Europe  for  centuries 
between  freedom  and  authority,  between  individual 
conscience  and  established  privilege. 

It  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  any  intelligent  house- 
hold in  England,  still  less  of  any  company  of  students 


14  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

even  if  not  yet  quite  attained  to  university  standing, 
as  unconcerned  in  the  bearing  upon  this  great  conflict 
of  such  an  event  as  took  place  in  1603,  when  the 
uncouth  and  polemic  James  succeeded  to  the  throne 
vacated  by  the  strong-willed  virgin  queen. 

All  those  who  had  in  any  degree  sympathized  with 
the  Puritan  side  in  the  struggle,  looked  now  for  some 
measure  of  relief  from  the  corapellant  hand  of  Con- 
formity. The  expectation  was  certainly  not  irrational. 
James  had  been  brought  up  a  Presbyterian.  He  had 
written  Calvinistic  commentaries  on  the  Scriptures. 
He  had  been  the  ostentatious  champion  of  the  anti- 
prelatical  views  of  the  continental  reformed  churches. 
He  was  a  man  of  scholarship,  and  many  hoped  a  man 
of  Puritan  convictions. 

But  whatever  hopes  of  this  kind  were  awakened 
were  destined  to  early  disappointment.  James  was 
met  on  his  journey  up  to  London  from  Edinburgh  by 
a  deputation  of  Puritan  ministers,  bearing  what  is 
known  as  the  Millenary  Petition  from  the  popularly 
supposed  thousand  of  its  signatures.  Some  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  of  the  clergy  of  England  united  in 
this  document  entitled  "  The  humble  Petition  of  the 
Ministers  of  the  Church  of  England  desiring  Refor- 
mation of  certain  Ceremonies  and  Abuses  of  that 
Church.  "  ^  The  first  specified  matter  needing  refor- 
mation mentioned  in  the  petition  related  to  church 
services ;  and  as  it  refers  to  what  was  the  main  issue 
between  the  Conformist  and  Puritan  parties,  it  may 
be  well  to  quote  that  portion  of  it  here  :  ^  — 

1  Neal,  i.  228.  -  Strype's  Whitgift,  ii.  479,  480. 


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.  1 5 

"  Namely, 'first,  In  the  '■  Church  service^  the  cross  in 
Baptism,  intei'rogatories  ministered  to  infants ;  conjirma- 
tions,  as  superfluous,  to  be  taken  away :  Baptism  not  to 
be  ministered  by  women,  and  so  explained  :  the  cap  and 
surplice  not  to  be  urged :  that  examination  might  go 
before  the  Communion  :  that  it  might  be  ministered  with 
a  sermon  :  that  divers  terms,  viz.  of  Priests^  and  absolu- 
tion and  some  other  used,  with  the  ring  in  marriage  and 
other  such  like  in  the  book,  might  be  corrected :  the 
longsomeness  of  suits  abridged  :  Church  songs  and  music 
moderated  to  better  edification :  that  the  Lord's  day 
might  not  be  profaned :  the  rest  upon  holy  days  not  so 
strictly  urged  :  that  there  might  be  an  uniformity  of  doc- 
trine prescribed :  no  popish  opinions  to  be  any  more 
taught  or  defended :  no  Ministers  charged  to  teach  their 
people  to  bow  at  the  name  of  Jesus :  that  the  Canonical 
Scriptures  be  only  read  in  the  Church." 

In  response  to  this  petition  the  king  appointed  a 
meeting  at  Hampton  Court  ostensibly  to  confer  with 
representatives  of  the  petitioners  about  the  proposed 
reforms.  The  king  nominated  the  disputants  on 
both  sides :  those  for  the  Establishment  being  nine 
bishops,  seven  deans,  one  archdeacon  and  two  doc- 
tors in  divinity ;  while  the  Puritans  were  represented 
by  only  four  of  their  ministers,  Drs.  Reynolds  and 
Sparke  of  Oxford,  and  Mr.  Knewstubs  and  Mr. 
Chaderton  of  Cambridge.  The  meetings  continued 
for  three  days  about  the  middle  of  January,  1604, — 
the  Puritans  being  admitted  to  audience  only  on  the 
second  and  third,  —  and  were,  so  far  as  any  substantial 
result  in  approximating  the  two  parties  in  issue,  or 
in  providing  relief  for  conscientious  dissent  from  the 
established  usages  of  the  Elizabethan  settlement  was 


1 6  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

concerned,  an  entire  failure.  A  few  minor  matters  of 
offence  to  the  petitioners  were  indeed  promised  re- 
dress, —  baptism  by  women  and  the  reading  of  such 
portions  of  the  i\.pocr}^pha  as  have  "  some  repugnancy 
to  the  canonical  Scripture  "  among  them ;  ^  but  as  to 
the  main  body  of  the  usages  objected  to,  the  king  was 
found  their  defender.  He  put  himself  into  the  hands 
of  the  ecclesiastics,  who  delightedly  declared,  by  the 
mouth  of  Whitgift,  their  archbishop,  **  undoubtedly 
his  Majesty  spoke  by  the  especial  assistance  of  God's 
Spirit."  "^  He  badgered  the  Puritan  representatives 
with  taunting  questions  and  brow-beating  lecturings ; 
commanded  them  to  *'awaie  with  their  snyvelings,"  ^ 
and  wound  up  the  interview  with  the  declaration : 
"  If  this  be  all  your  party  have  to  say,  I  will  make 
them  conform,  or  I  will  harry  them  out  of  the  land, 
or  else  worse."  * 

The  king  and  the  bishops  were  mightily  pleased 
with  their  part  in  the  conference.  Bancroft,  falling 
on  his  knees,  declared  :  "  I  protest  my  heart  melteth 
for  joy,  that  Almighty  God,  of  his  singular  mercy,  has 
given  us  such  a  king  as  since  Christ's  time  has  not 
been."  ^  And  James  wrote  to  a  friend  in  Scotland 
about  keeping  "  a  revel  with  the  Puritans  this  two 
days  such  as  was  never  heard  the  like,"  having 
"  peppered  them "  with  such  arguments  that  they 
"fled  from  him"  like  schoolboys.^ 

1  Strype's  Whitgift,  ii.  501.  2  jbij.  4^3. 

^  W.  Barlow,  The  Summe  and  Substance  of  the  Conference 
at  Hampton  Court. 

*  Neal,  i.  232.  ^  Ibid.  233. 

*  Strype's  Whitgift,  ii.  500. 


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.  1 7 

Echoes  of  these  events  on  the  public  stage  must 
have  reached  quieter  places  than  Market-Bosvvorth, 
whence  Hooker  was  just  taking  his  departure,  and 
must  have  afforded  topic  for  interested  and  wonder- 
ing comment  to  duller  wits  than  those  with  whom  he 
had  been  there  associated.  Two  months  later  found 
him  at  Cambridge  and  the  University. 


1 8  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 


CHAPTER   II. 

EDUCATION   .^U^D    RESIDENCE    AT    CAMBRIDGE. 

When  he  was  fellow  ^t/"  Emmanuel 

M2ich  learning  in  his  solid  head  did  dwell. 

Samuel  Stone  :  Elegiac  Verses,  1648. 

The  Cambridge  at  which  Thomas  Hooker  arrived 
in  1604,  bore  many  traces  of  that  Puritan  influence 
which  in  this  university,  much  more  than  at  Oxford, 
had  marked  the  history  of  the  previous  century.  A 
very  considerable  number  of  the  members  of  the 
university  who  after  the  Marian  exile  returned  to 
their  former  or  to  higher  posts  in  its  service,  came 
back  with  more  pronounced  views  of  nonconformity 
than  those  they  carried  with  them  abroad.  At  Zurich, 
Geneva,  Frankfort,  or  Basel  they  had  been  received 
with  hospitality  by  the  .continental  reformers,  and  had 
come  in  many  instances  still  more  fully  to  sympathize 
with  the  theological  opinions  and  the  practices  in 
church  usage  which  characterized  the  theologians 
of  Southwestern  Germany  and  Switzerland.  Men 
like  the  two  brothers  Pilkington,  successively  mas- 
ters of  St.  John's  College,  and  Roger  Zelke,  mas- 
ter of  Magdalen,  brought  back  with  them  from 
their  exile  an  opposition  to  "  ceremonies  "  as  pro- 


RESIDENCE   AT  CAMBRIDGE.  19 

nounced  almost  as  that  of  any  Separatist ;  an  oppo- 
sition which  the  elder  Pilkington  carried  with  him 
into  the  exercise  of  his  bishopric  of  Durham  when 
promoted  thither. 

But  the  most  potent  influence  which  had  affected 
Cambridge  emanated  from  Thomas  Cartwright,  Mar- 
garet Professor  of  Divinity,  who  preached  and  taught 
both  the  doctrine  and  polity  of  Geneva,  and  profoundly 
influenced  the  younger  and  rising  class  of  fellows  and 
scholars.  Under  his  powerful  impression  the  spirit 
of  dissent  from  the  prescribed  ritual  grew  rapidly. 
Undergraduates  and  fellows  in  many  of  the  colleges 
objected  to  the  surplice,  declined  to  kneel  at  the  sac- 
rament, and  deemed  the  hierarchical  orders  of  the 
ministry  unscriptural.  Theological  degrees  were  de- 
nounced as  being  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  secular 
institutions  to  determine  who  might  properly  teach  in 
religious  matters. 

And  even  when,  as  in  the  case  of  Dr.  Whitgift,  — 
successively  Margaret  and  Regius  Professor  of  Divin- 
ity, master  of  Trinity,  and  vice  chancellor  of  the  uni- 
versity, —  no  sympathy  with  nonconformity  was  found, 
there  was  often  a  high  degree  of  accordancy  with  the 
continental  divines  in  matters  of  theology.  It  was  in 
1595  that  what  are  known  as  the  Lambeth  Articles  — 
so  called  from  the  place  of  their  subscription  at  the  pal- 
ace of  that  name  In  London,  and  beyond  comparison 
the  most  vigorous  symbol  o£  Calvinism  ever  framed  as 
an  expression  of  English  faith  —  were  written  by  Dr. 
Whitaker,  who  succeeded  Whitgift  as  Regius  Pro- 
fessor of  Divinity  at  Cambridge,  and  were  approved 


20  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

by  Whitgift  himself,  now  elevated  to  the  Archbishop- 
ric of  Canterbury.  The  prevalent  tone  of  teaching  in 
the  university  was  Calvinistic.  The  most  celebrated 
preacher  in  Cambridge  for  nearly  twenty  years  before 
Hooker's  coming  there  was  Rev.  William  Perkins, 
fellow  of  Christ  College  and  lecturer  at  Great  St. 
Andrews,  a  thorough  Puritan  in  principles  and  a  vig- 
orous expounder  of  Genevan  theology. 

Mr.  Perkins  was  repeatedly  summoned  before  the 
High  Commission  on  account  of  his  irregularities  in 
matter  of  ritual,  and  authorities  are  somewhat  at  vari- 
ance as  to  his  having  been  or  not  having  been  ulti- 
mately put  under  interdict.  But  at  his  death  in  1602 
the  town  and  the  university  contended  for  the  privi- 
lege of  being  foremost  in  bemoaning  his  loss.  Into 
the  rather  warmly  heated  atmosphere  of  doctrinal  and 
ecclesiastical  controversies  such  as  are  thus  indicated, 
young  Hooker  was  introduced  on  his  university  en- 
trance at  about  eighteen  years  of  age.  Cotton 
Mather  says  ^  that  he  was  born  '*  of  parents  that  were 
neither  unable  nor  unwilling  to  bestow  upon  him  a 
liberal  education."  But  to  one  acquainted  with  the 
narrow  conditions  of  life,  such  as  must  have  been  lived 
at  Marfield,  it  can  occasion  no  surprise  that,  like  many 
another  university  scholar  destined  to  after  eminence, 
Hooker  entered  college  in  a  position  implying  some 
inferiority  of  pecuniary  resource.  He  was  matricu- 
lated at  Queen's  College  as  sizar,  March  27,  1604;'' 

*  Magnalia  (ed,  1820),  i.  303. 

2  Records  of  the  College,  and  letters  of  librarians  of  that  In- 
stitution and  Emmanuel. 


RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  21 

a  sizar  at  Cambridge  being,  like  a  batteller  at  Oxford, 
a  student  who  waits  upon  the  fellows  at  table,  and  who 
generally,  in  consideration  of  these  and  other  services, 
is  personally  exempt  from  college  charges.  At  some 
uncertain  date,  however,  he  was  transferred  to  Emman- 
uel College,  where  he  appears  to  have  been  on  taking 
his  B.  A.  degree  in  January,  1608,  and  his  M.  A.  in 
1611. 

Occupying  one  of  the  two  Wolstan  Dixie  fellow- 
ship foundations  he  remained  for  an  indeterminable 
but  considerable  period,  prosecuting  his  studies,  and, 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  time  certainly,  engaging  in 
some  form  of  clerical  work.  Here  then  at  Cam- 
bridge, as  a  student  for  certainly  seven  years,  and  as  a 
fellow  resident  for  some  years  more,  Thomas  Hooker 
was,  from  eighteen  to  probably  at  least  twenty-eight 
years  of  age,  in  the  focus  of  Puritanism,  and  in  the 
midst  of  some  of  the  most  considerable  actors  in  the 
great  events  of  the  time.  How  much  of  acquaint- 
anceship was  had  among  particular  students  of  the 
university,  it  is  impossible  of  course  more  than  to  con- 
jecture ;  but  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  there  were 
in  Cambridge  during  these  important  years  of  col- 
lege experience  several  men  who  in  the  chances  of 
after  life  were  to  be  thrown  more  or  less  intimately, 
and  some  of  them  quite  intimately,  into  Hooker's 
fellowship. 

Nathaniel  Ward,  afterward  to  be  minister  of  the 
gospel  in  Ipswich,  New  England,  and  author  of  the 
"  Simple  Cobbler  of  Agawam,"  had  just  taken  his  mas- 
ter's  degree  at    Emmanuel  in    1603,  a  year  before 


22  LIFE   OF   THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Hooker  entered  the  university,  and  was  pursuing 
there  his  divinity  studies.  WilHam  Ames,  with  whom 
Hooker  was  subsequently  to  be  joined  in  the  care  of 
the  church  of  exiles  in  Rotterdam,  and  in  the  publi- 
cation of  Ames's  book  against  Ceremonies,  a  graduate 
of  Christ  College,  was  resident  in  Cambridge  nearly 
all  the  time  till  Hooker  became  a  fellow  at  Emmanuel, 
and  was  already  challenged  by  the  authorities  for  his 
outspokenness  against  church  vestments,  and  his  pub- 
lic denunciation  of  games  countenanced  by  the  clergy. 
Peter  Bulkley,  afterward  to  be  associated  with  Hooker 
in  the  moderatorship  of  more  than  one  historic  New 
England  assembly,  and  pastor  of  the  church  in  Con- 
cord, was  taking  his  M.  A.  at  St.  John's  College  in 
1605,  a  year  after  Hooker's  arrival  at  Cambridge. 
John  Cotton,  a  year  older  than  Hooker,  and  a  student 
of  earlier  start  in  letters,  who  was  to  sail  in  the  same 
vessel  with  him  across  the  seas,  and  to  be  to  Massa- 
chusetts what  Hooker  was  to  Connecticut,  reached 
his  B.  A.  at  Emmanuel  a  year  before  Hooker  was 
matriculated,  and  arrived  at  his  M.  A.  in  1606.  Fran- 
cis Higginson,  Hooker's  junior  by  a  year,  who  was  to 
precede  both  him  and  Cotton  in  the  American  enter- 
prise, attained  his  B.  A.  at  Jesus  College  a  year  later, 
and  his  M.  A.  two  years  later,  than  Hooker's  arrival 
at  the  same  standing.  John  Wilson,  Hooker's  junior 
by  two  years,  and  afterward  so  long  Cotton's  associate 
in  the  pastorate  of  the  Boston  church,  entered  Kings 
College  in  1602,  and  after  pursuing  the  usual  univer- 
sity course,  and  attempting  awhile  the  study  of  law, 
returned  in  16 10  to  Cambridge  to  put  himself  under 


RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  23 

the  special  instruction  of  Mr.  Ames,  and  to  prosecute 
his  studies  in  divinity. 

All  these  and  several  other  afterward  distinguished 
men  who  were  to  be  in  one  way  or  another  closely 
associated  with  Hooker  in  his  subsequent  history, 
were  in  Cambridge  during  some  part  of  his  residence 
there  ;  and  with  them  all  it  was  quite  possible,  and  with 
several  of  them  altogether  probable,  that  he  had  per- 
sonal acquaintance. 

The  particular  college  with  which  Thomas  Hooker 
was  most  identified  —  Emmanuel  —  and  where  he 
held  one  of  the  Wolstan  Dixie  fellowships,  was,  from 
its  foundation,  regarded  as  a  Puritan  institution.  It 
was  established  in  1584  by  a  charter  granted  by  Eliza- 
beth to  Sir  Walter  Mildmay,  a  prominent  statesman 
and  councillor  in  the  service  of  that  sovereign,  and 
employed  by  her  in  many  responsible  trusts.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  charter  of  the  institution  to  suggest 
any  deviation  from  the  estabhshed  order,  but  ru- 
mours of  its  founder's  intention  to  encourage  dissent 
were  early  promulgated  ;  and  the  queen,  on  his  coming 
to  court  soon  after  the  allowance  of  the  new  institu- 
tion, is  said  to  have  addressed  him  :  "  Sir  Walter,  I 
hear  you  have  erected  a  Puritan  foundation ; "  to 
which  he  is  said  to  have  made  reply,  "  No,  madam, 
far  be  it  from  me  to  countenance  anything  contrary 
to  your  established  laws ;  but  I  have  set  an  acorn 
which,  when  it  becomes  an  oak,  God  alone  knows 
what  will  be  the  fruit  thereof."  ^  Something  of  the 
diplomatist  is  probably  discoverable  in  this  reply,  espe- 
1  Cooper's  Annals  of  Cambridge,  ii.  354. 


24  LIFE    OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

daily  as  Sir  Walter  conditioned  his  foundation  of  the 
college  upon  the  acceptance  by  Laurence  Chaderton 
of  the  mastership.  Chaderton  had  always  the  repu- 
tation of  belonging  to  the  Puritan  side  in  the  then  cur- 
rent controversies.  As  such  he  was  chosen  by  James 
as  one  of  the  four  ministers  to  represent  the  Puritan 
cause  in  the  famous  mock- conference  at  Hampton 
Court  a  few  years  later ;  on  which  occasion  he  is  said 
to  have  fallen  on  his  knees  and  entreated  the  railing 
king  that  the  *'  wearing  of  the  surplis  and  the  vse  of 
the  Crosse  in  Baptisme  might  not  be  vrged  vpo  some 
honest,  godly,  and  painfull  ministers  in  some  partes  of 
Lancashire^  ^  A  pious  and  learned  man,  he  was  one 
of  the  translators  of  the  new  version  of  the  Bible  au- 
thorized by  James ;  the  section  on  which  he  with  his 
immediate  co-labourers  was  employed  being  *'  from 
Chronicles  to  Canticles,  inclusive."  "^  Chaderton  lived 
to  be  one  hundred  and  three  years  old ;  and  though 
he  is  spoken  of  as  a  "  moderate  "  man  in  his  spirit, 
he  had  fire  enough  in  his  bones  in  1622,  at  eighty- 
six  years  of  age,  to  resign  the  mastership  of  Emman- 
uel in  favour  of  the  celebrated  Calvinistic  preacher 
John  Preston,  fearing  that  otherwise  an  Arminian  suc- 
cessor might  be  chosen. 

And  it  must  be  confessed  that  Emmanuel  College 
under  his  and  Mr.  Preston's  guidance  vindicated  the 
character  given  to  it  by  Carter  at  a  somewhat  later 
date  than  Chaderton's  day,  as  "  neither  more  nor  less 

1  Barlow's  Summe  and  Substance,  p.  99. 
B  Ackermann's  Cambridge,  ii.  237. 
8  Ibid. 


RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  25 

than  a  mere  nursery  of  Puritans."  ^  During  the  Com- 
monwealth no  less  than  eleven  masters  of  other  colleges 
in  Cambridge  were  graduates  of  Emmanuel,  all  more 
or  less  distinct  representatives  of  Puritan  views. 

A  single  but  very  significant  hint  of  the  temper  of 
things  in  Emmanuel  remains  to  this  day.  Alone  of 
all  the  college  chapels  in  Cambridge  or  Oxford,  its 
original  chapel  —  now,  indeed,  disused  for  this  ser- 
vice, and  employed  as  the  library  —  stands,  as  built 
by  Sir  Walter,  facing  north  and  south  instead  of  east 
and  west.  A  report  made  to  Archbishop  Laud  in 
1633  of  the  condition  of  affairs  at  the  college,  prob- 
ably gives  a  substantially  accurate  account  of  matters  as 
they  were  twenty  years  before,  when  Hooker  occupied 
a  fellowship  there.     The  reporter  says  :  — 

"  In  Emmanuel  College  their  chappel  is  not  conse- 
crate. At  Surplice  prayers  they  sing  nothing  but  certain 
riming  Psalms  of  their  own  appointment  instead  of  ye 
Hymmes  between  y*^  Lessons.  And  at  Lessons  they  read 
not  after  y^  order  appointed  in  y^  Callendar,  but  after 
another  continued  course  of  their  own.  All  Service  is 
there  done  and  performed  by  the  Minister  alone.  When 
they  preach  or  Commonplace  they  omit  all  service  after 
ye  first  or  second  Lesson  at  y^  furthest."  2 

Indeed,  the  vigour  of  Emmanuel's  Puritanism  was 
a  popular  proverb.  The  doggerel  and  ridiculing  lines 
of  the  ''  Mad  Puritan  "  in  Percy's  Ballads  have  all 
their  significance  from  the  recognized  character  of  the 
college  to  which  they  refer :  — 

^  Ackermann's  Cambridge,  ii.  228. 

2  Cooper's  Annals  of  Cambridge,  ii.  383. 


26  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

"  In  the  house  of  pure  Emmanuel 
I  had  my  education  ; 
Where,  my  friends  surmise, 
I  dazzled  my  eyes 
With  the  light  of  Revelation. 

"  Boldly  I  preach, 
Hate  a  cross  and  a  surplice; 
Mitres,  copes,  and  rochets  ; 
Come  hear  me  pray, 
Nine  times  a  day, 
And  fill  your  head  with  crotchets." 

The  avowed  design  of  Sir  Walter  Mildmay  in  estab- 
lishing a  new  college  was  to  train  up  a  "  godly  minis- 
try; "  and  however  wise  or  unwise  minor  features  of 
the  administration  may  have  been,  tried  by  the  test  of 
its  avowed  intention  Emmanuel  was  certainly  a  suc- 
cess. The  acorn  planted  only  in  1584,  which  before 
Cromwell's  time  had  fruited  with  such  names  —  not 
to  mention  any  already  spoken  of: — as  AVilliam  Brad- 
shaw,  Ralph  Cudworth,  John  Richardson,  John  Har- 
vard, William  Eyre,  Jeremiah  Burroughs,  Ephraim 
Udal,  Richard  Holdsworth,  Thomas  Shepard,  Samuel 
Hudson,  Thomas  Hill,  Nathaniel  Rogers,  Stephen 
Marshall,  Samuel  Stone,  Anthony  Burgess,  W^illiam 
Bridge,  Anthony  Tuckney,  and  Bishop  Hall,  among 
many  others  nearly  or  equally  distinguished,  must 
surely  be  regarded  as  an  acorn  well  worth  planting. 

Of  Hooker's  personal  experiences  during  the  years 
of  his  residence  in  Cambridge  scanty  authentic  me- 
morials remain.  These  years  themselves  were  marked 
by  some  events  on  the  public  stage  which  must  have 
been  felt  at  Cambridge  quite  as  sensibly  as  anywhere 


RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  27 

else.  It  was  in  his  second  year's  residence  that  the 
plot  to  blow  up  the  king  and  Parliament  in  the  inter- 
est of  the  Romanist  party,  by  Catesby,  Digby,  Guy 
Fawkes,  and  others,  was  discovered  just  in  time  to 
have  no  worse  consequences  than  the  execution  of  the 
conspirators.  It  was  just  when  he  was  taking  his  B.  A., 
in  1608,  that  John  Robinson  and  his  Scrooby  church, 
unable  to  find  toleration  for  Independency  in  England, 
sought  refuge  and  liberty  in  Holland.  Two  years  later, 
James,  the  whilom  Presbyterian  of  Scotland,  forced 
Episcopacy  into  the  country  north  of  the  Tweed. 

It  was  just  as  Hooker  was  taking  his  M.  A.,  in  161 1, 
that  James  inaugurated  the  protracted  fight  of  the 
Stuarts  with  the  Commons  of  England  by  dissolving 
his  first  Parliament.  The  years  following,  to  1620,  saw 
the  clouds  of  civil  and  religious  trouble  steadily  deep- 
ening. They  beheld  the  scandals  of  Somerset's  eleva- 
tion to  power,  of  Overbury's  murder,  of  the  sale  of 
peerages  for  money  payments,  of  the  dismissal  of^ 
Lord  Coke,  of  the  rise  to  supremacy  of  the  ignorant 
but  dangerous  Buckingham.  They  saw  the  peremp- 
tory dissolution  of  James's  second  Parliament,  the  ne- 
gotiations for  the  marriage  of  Prince  Charles  with  the 
Infanta  of  Spain,  the  execution  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh, 
the  outbreak  in  Europe  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  —  a 
struggle  virtually  between  Protestantism  and  Roman- 
ism, —  and  perhaps  least  noticed  of  all,  the  planting 
of  Plymouth  Colony  in  America  by  English  exiles  for 
the  sake  of  religious  liberty.  These  things,  and  mat- 
ters involved  in  them,  could  not  but  have  been  things 
of  interest,  and  some  of  them  of  intense  concern,  to 


28  LIFE   OF   THOMAS  HOOKER. 

the  nearly  three  thousand  students  of  the  various 
colleges  of  the  university. 

But  to  Hooker  himself  an  event  which  occurred 
apparently  after  his  reception  of  his  master's  degree 
and  during  his  residence  as  Dixie  fellow,  was  of 
greater  personal  moment  than  any  yet  alluded  to. 
This  event,  to  use  phrases  which  he  was  accustomed 
to  employ  in  characterizing  similar  experiences  in 
others,  was  his  Effectual  Calling,  and  Implantation 
into  Christ.  Whatever  may  have  hitherto  been  his 
religious  convictions  or  feelings,  this  was  the  period 
of  that  great  spiritual  crisis  which  he  would  have 
called  his  conversion. 

That  his  processes  of  mind  in  this  passage  of  his 
inward  history  should  have  been  sombre  and  tumul- 
tuous might  easily  be  anticipated.  Such  was  the 
common  course  of  religious  experience  in  his  time. 
And  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  it  was  unusually 
common  at  Cambridge,  where  the  strenuous  presenta- 
tion of  some  of  the  sterner  features  of  the  Calvinistic 
system,  by  powerful  popular  preachers  like  Perkins, 
Baynes,  and  Gibbs,  had  given  a  kind  of  established 
direction  to  the  courses  of  men's  experience  under  the 
operation  of  strong  religious  emotions.  But  there  was 
also  something  in  Mr.  Hooker's  temperament,  and 
probably  something  also,  as  v/e  shall  have  occasion 
hereafter  to  see,  in  his  theological  views  and  tenden- 
cies, to  make  this  religious  struggle  in  his  own  case 
unusually  protracted  and  severe.  He  is  said  ^  to  have 
long  afterward  observed  of  this  passage  of  his  experi- 
1  Magnalia,  i.  303. 


RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  29 

ence,  "  that  in  the  time  of  his  agonies,  he  could  reason 
himself  to  the  rule,  and  conclude  that  there  was  no  way 
but  submission  to  God,  and  lying  at  the  foot  of  his 
mercy  in  Christ  Jesus,  and  waiting  humbly  there  till 
he  should  please  to  perswade  the  soul  of  his  favour ; 
nevertheless,  when  he  came  to  apply  this  rule  unto  him- 
self, in  his  own  condition,  his  reasoning  would  fail  him, 
he  was  able  to  do  nothing."  Readers  of  his  treatise  on 
the  "  Soules  Humiliation"  will  not  wonder  why  he  found 
it  hard  to  apply  his  ^'  rule  "  to  his  own  case,  or  why 
his  reasoning  failed  him.  The  extreme  conceptions 
of  what  is  involved  in  a  true  submission  of  the  soul 
to  God  set  forth  in  that  treatise,  and  to  some  extent 
in  other  of  Mr.  Hooker's  writings,  have  always,  when- 
ever presented,  been  a  source  of  perplexity  to  men. 
As  expounded  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  later  in  the 
writings  of  Samuel  Hopkins,  they  not  only  introduced 
an  era  of  controversy  in  theological  debate,  but  a 
period  of  bewilderment  and  trouble  in  the  individual 
religious  experience  of  multitudes.  The  making  a 
willingness  to  be  lost  a  condition  precedent  to  a 
reasonable  hope  of  being  saved,  whether  prescribed  by 
Hooker  or  his  son-in-Jaw  Shepard,  or  by  the  cele- 
brated Newport  divine  who  has  in  New  England 
theology  given  his  name  to  the  particular  dogma  in 
question,  is  and  must  ever  be  a  prescription  perplex- 
ing and  embarrassing  to  the  process  of  most  people's 
religious  experience. 

How  far  this  particular  notion  of  what  is  necessary 
before  a  soul  can  rest  in  a  cheerful  hope  of  God's 
mercy  actually  embarrassed  the  process  of  attaining 


30  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

that  quietude  in  Hooker's  own  case,  it  is  probably 
impossible  to  say ;  but  his  doubts  and  perturbations 
were  protracted.  He  is  said  ^  to  have  remarked,  "  I 
can  compare  with  any  man  living  for  fears."  And  it 
is  not  without  a  touch  of  pathos  that  it  is  recorded  ^ 
that  one  considerable  source  of  relief  to  him  in  this 
time  of  trouble  came  from  the  young  sizar  who  waited 
upon  him,  whose  "  prudent  and  piteous  carriage " 
and  "  discreet  and  proper  compassions "  were  of 
"  singular  help."  The  giver  of  this  important  aid  was 
Mr.  Simeon  Ashe,  afterward  a  graduate  of  Emmanuel, 
a  minister  in  Staffordshire,  chaplain  to  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  in  the  civil  wars,  rector  of  St.  Austin  in 
London  for  twenty  years,  and  though,  as  Calamy  says, 
"  a  nonconformist  of  the  old  stamp,"  one  of  the  divines 
who  went  to  Breda  to  meet  Charles  H.  just  before  his 
restoration.  The  piety  and  moderation  of  which  the 
general  course  of  this  Puritan  minister's  history  was 
an  illustration,  had  apparently  one  of  its  earlier  and 
most  useful  manifestations  in  helping  to  lead  the  Fellow 
whom  it  was  his  function  to  serve  into  a  more  cheer- 
ful assurance  of  religious  welfare. 

There  appears  to  be  evidence  that  after  passing 
this  crisis-point  in  his  religious  history,  Mr.  Hooker 
continued  a  considerable  time  in  the  university  as 
catechist  and  lecturer.  Here  and  in  the  vicinity  he 
began  the  systematic  development  into  sermonic  form 
of  those  essays  on  experimental  religion  which  consti- 
tuted always  the  main  bulk  of  his  preaching,  and  over 
the  general  track  of  which  he  seems  again  and  again 
1  Magnalia,  i.  314.  ^  Ibid.  303. 


RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE,  31 

to  have  gone,  at  Cambridge,  at  Chelmsford,  and  in  his 
successive  ministries  in  Holland  and  America.  These 
sermons,  which  are  in  effect  a  kind  of  body  of  divinity, 
not  so  much  of  the  doctrinal  as  of  the  experimental 
kind,  were  immensely  popular.  They  grew  out  of, 
and  were  exactly  suited  to,  the  religious  feeling  of  the 
period.  They  gave  their  author  an  immediate  and 
wide  distinction  as  a  powerful  applier  of  the  gospel  to 
men's  hearts  and  consciences.  They  were  circulated 
to  some  extent  in  copies  enlarged  from  short- hand 
notes  surreptitiously  taken.  They  were  collected  with 
less  or  more  accuracy  into  volumes  published  not 
always  with  their  author's  knowledge  or  sanction.  And 
they  make  up  in  the  whole  that  body  of  writing  about 
the  general  subject  of  the  application  of  religion  to 
the  soul,  which  as  one  substantially  connected 
treatise,  though  divided  in  title  into  various  subordi- 
nate portions,  there  will  be  occasion  hereafter  more 
particularly,  though  briefly,  to  notice. 


32  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 


'      CHAPTER   III. 

hooker's    ENGLISH    MINISTRY. 

Hi's  ktiowh'dge  in  Theologie  Divine^ 

In  Chelmsford  Lectures  divers  years  did  shine. 

Samuel  Stone  :  Elegiac  Verses. 

Leaving  out  of  view  the  functions  which  Mr. 
Hooker  may  have  performed  as  catechist  and  lecturer 
while  still  resident  at  Cambridge,  the  probable  period 
of  his  exercise  of  ministerial  duty  in  England  was  ten 
or  twelve  years,  —  that  is  to  say,  from  i6i8or  1620  to 
his  flight  to  Holland  in  1630.  This  space  of  time  was 
all  included  in  the  duration  of  the  archbishopric  of 
George  Abbot,  who  had  been  appointed  to  the  pri- 
macy on  the  death  of  Bancroft  in  16 10.  These 
twenty-two  years  of  Abbot's  nominal  headship  of 
the  Church  of  England,  and  especially  the  last  thir- 
teen of  them  which  cover  the  period  of  Hooker's 
English  ministry,  were  momentous  years  in  Puritan 
story.  Abbot  himself  was  a  Calvinist,  and  by  convic- 
tion attached  to  the  cause  of  Puritanism  and  the  Par- 
liament. He  advocated  a  definite  policy  of  Protes- 
tantism abroad,  and  it  was  his  influence  which  sent 
English  representatives  to  the  Synod  of  Dort  in 
1 6 1 8-1 9 .  He  favoured  the  maintenance  of  the  Puritan 
Lectureships,  which  had  become  so  extended  a  part 
of  the  machinery  employed  for  the  dissemination  of 


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY,  ZZ 

the  principles  of  which  nonconformity  stood  the  rep- 
resentative. By  his  doctrinal  sympathies  with  his 
pragmatic  sovereign  and  by  his  official  place  as  head 
of  the  hierarchy,  he  seemed  to  stand  in  a  favourable 
position  for  mediating  between  the  contending  parties 
in  the  civil  and  religious  commonwealths.  But  Abbot 
had  no  skill  as  a  reconciler ;  events  were  too  strong  for 
him,  perhaps  were  too  strong  for  any  one.  The  years 
of  his  primacy  saw  the  progressively  definite  identifica- 
tion of  Puritanism  with  the  Parliament,  of  prerogative 
with  churchly  authority.  The  Presbyterian  king  put 
himself  increasingly  into  the  hands  of  Arminian  pre- 
lacy ;  the  Commons  more  and  more  accepted  the 
leadership  of  Calvinistic  nonconformity. 

The  great  figure  on  the  stage  of  this  generation  of 
English  story,  and  the  great  power  by  which  this  defi- 
nition of  party  lines  was  effected,  was  William  Laud. 
Laud  had  been  from  his  university  days  a  rival  and 
opponent  of  the  archbishop ;  and  during  all  the  later 
years  of  Abbot's  nominal  headship  of  the  establish- 
ment it  was  far  more  the  inferior  than  the  superior 
church-functionary  who  gave  direction  to  the  course 
of  religious  affairs,  and  influenced  the  counsels  of  his 
sovereign.  Laud's  advancement  was  rapid,  and  in- 
dicative alike  of  his  personal  abilities  and  of  the 
grovv^ing  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  king,  which  he 
formulated  in  the  characteristic  saying,  "  Presbyteri- 
anism  agreeth  as  well  with  monarchy  as  God  and  the 
devil."  In  1611  Laud  was  appointed  president  of 
St.  John's  College,  Oxford.  The  same  year  made  him 
also  chaplain  to  the  king.     The  year  1616  saw  him 

3 


34  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Dean  of  Gloucester;  in  1621  he  was  Bishop  of  St. 
David's ;  in  1626,  of  Bath  and  Wells  ;  in  1628,  of  the 
important  See  of  London.  He  guided,  almost  regu- 
lated, the  church  patronage  by  giving  the  king  a  list  of 
the  clergy,  marked  for  advancement  or  neglect  by  the 
cabaHstic  sign  "  O  "  or  "  P  "  (Orthodox  or  Puritan) 
affixed  to  their  names.  His  hand,  as  there  will  be 
occasion  to  see,  was  in  every  considerable  event  of  the 
period  covered  by  our  Hooker's  English  ministry. 

This  ministry  began  in  Mr.  Hooker's  appointment, 
probably  some  time  between  161 8  and  1620,  to  the 
rectorship  of  the  little  parish  of  Esher  in  Surrey,  a 
small  place  sixteen  miles  southwest  from  the  Parlia- 
ment houses  in  London. 

That  Mr.  Hooker's  principles  allowed  him  to  go 
there  was  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  living  was  a  dona- 
tive one,  —  given,  that  is  to  say,  directly  by  the  patron 
of  the  benefice,  a  Mr.  Francis  Drake,  and  not  requir- 
ing presentation  to  the  bishop  and  induction  by  his 
order;  to  which  presentation  Mr.  Hooker's  non- 
conforming views  would  not  allow  him  to  accede, 
and  which  would  therefore  have  availed  to  exclude 
him  from  the  greater  part  of  the  benefices  in  England. 
Esher  1  was  and  is  a  pleasant,  small  village,  built  on  a 
rising  ground  a  little  distance  from  the  Thames,  and  in- 
cludes in  its  parochial  boundaries  two  or  three  ancient 
manorial  properties,  one  of  which,  Esher  Place,  was 
occupied  by  Cardinal  Wolsey  after  his  disgrace ;  an- 
other,   Clermont,  was    formerly    the    home    of  Lord 

1  Manning's  History  and  Antiquities  of  Surrey,  vol.  ii. :  art. 
"  Esher." 


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY.  35 

Clive ;  then  of  Princess  Charlotte,  and  now  of  the 
widow  of  Prince  Leopold.  Adjoining  Esher  Common 
is  the  tract  of  ground  which  used  to  be  known  as 
Sandon  Farm,  now  the  scene  of  the  Sandon  races. 

That  Esher  was,  and  is  still,  a  little  village  with  so 
much  that  is  picturesque  in  its  situation  and  conven- 
ient in  its  proximity  to  the  city,  the  rector  at  present 
(1891)  incumbent  ascribes  to  the  fact  of  its  being 
hemmed  in  and  Hmited  by  these  large  landed  estates. 

The  church  where  Mr.  Hooker  preached  still  stands, 
though  not  at  present  used  for  public  worship.  It  is 
very  small,  with  a  nave  and  chancel  only,  except  that 
at  a  period  considerably  later  than  that  we  are  now 
speaking  of,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  who  occupied 
Clermont  before  Lord  Clive,  built  a  kind  of  chamber- 
room  or  gallery  on  one  side  of  it.  The  glass  of  the 
chancel  windows  is  said  once  to  have  been  fine,  but 
no  vestige  of  its  former  glories  remains.  At  the  west 
end  the  nave  is  surmounted  by  a  low  pyramidal  tower 
in  which  formerly  hung  three  bells,  one  of  which  was 
understood  to  be  a  war-trophy  brought  by  Sir  Francis 
Drake  from  St.  Domingo.  The  living  was  worth  only 
forty  pounds  a  year ;  the  place  of  worship  not  capable 
of  stretching  beyond  a  hundred  sittings ;  the  congre- 
gation a  few  lowly  people  of  the  village,  and  members 
of  the  manor  house  families. 

The  patron  of  the  living,  a  gentleman  of  the  same 
name,  and  a  kinsman  of  the  great  admiral,  received 
the  rector  into  his  house,  and  gave  him  a  home  in 
his  family,  —  a  fact  attended  with  important  conse- 
quences to  the  rector. 


36  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

The  persuasive  cause  of  the  procuring  of  Mr. 
Hooker's  services  at  Esher  was  the  condition  of  Mr. 
Drake's  wife.  The  story  is  told  in  a  Httle  volume 
printed  the  year  Mr.  Hooker  died.  It  bears  the 
characteristically  quaint  title  of  the  time,  "  Trodden 
down  Strength  by  the  God  of  Strength,  or  Mrs.  Drake 
Revived,  showing  her  strange  and  rare  Case,  great  and 
manifold  afflictions  for  tenne  years  together.  Related 
by  her  friend  Hart  On-hi.  London,  1647."  Mrs. 
Drake  was  an  invalid  and  hypochondriac.  She  had 
already  worn  out  the  consolations  of  two  worthy 
ministers  —  Rev.  Mr.  Dod,  the  author  of  a  comment- 
ary on  the  Decalogue,  and  hence  popularly  known  as 
Decalogue  Dod ;  and  Rev.  Mr.  Usher,  afterward  Pri- 
mate of  Ireland  —  in  their  efforts  to  persuade  her  that 
she  had  not  committed  the  unpardonable  sin. 

Mr.  Dod  being  obliged  to  leave  her  after  three 
years'  wrestling  with  her  case,  tidings  came  to  Mr. 
Drake  of  "  one  Mr.  Hooker,  then  at  Cambridge,  now 
in  New  England :  A  great  Scholar,  an  acute  Dis- 
putant, a  strong  learned,  a  wise  modest  man,  every 
way  rarely  qualified ;  who  being  a  Non-conformitan 
in  judgement,  not  willing  to  trouble  himself  with  Pre- 
sentative  Livings,  was  contented  and  persuaded  by 
Mr.  Dod  to  accept  of  that  poor  Living  of  40 1. 
per  annum :  This  worthy  man  accepted  of  the  place, 
having  withal  his  dyet  and  lodging  at  Esher,  Mr. 
Drake's  house." 

Mr.  Hooker's  ministrations  seem  to  have  been  use- 
ful. "  For  Mr.  Hooker  being  newly  come  from  the 
University   had   a   new   answering  methode   (though 


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY  37 

the  same  thing)  wherewith  shee  was  marvellously  de- 
lighted." Just  how  long  or  precisely  at  what  date 
these  ministrations  were  rendered  is  not  stated,  but 
the  period  came  when  Mrs.  Drake  felt  "  that  her 
time  on  earth  was  but  of  small  continuance.  About 
which  time  it  fell  out  that  Mr.  Hooker  also  having 
acted  his  part  with  her,  and  done  his  best,  to  comfort, 
uphold  and  rectifie  her  spirit,  ...  by  God's  provi- 
dence he  was  married  unto  her  waiting-woman : 
After  which  both  of  them  having  lived  some  time 
after  with  her,  and  he  cal'd  to  be  Lecturer  at  Chelms- 
ford in  Essex,  they  both  left  her." 

It  is  pleasant  to  be  assured  that  the  counsels  of 
Mr.  Hooker,  and  of  Mr.  Dod  which  were  again  re- 
newed, did  much  to  help  Mrs.  Drake,  and  that  she 
was  "  more  cheerful  in  mind  divers  years,"  coming 
indeed  to  her  end  at  last  in  "  a  Fit  of  sudden,  extream, 
ravishing,  unsupportable  Joy,  beyond  the  Strength  of 
Mortality  to  retain,  or  be  long  capable  of,  .  .  .  which 
put  Mr.  Dod,  her  Husband,  and  all  of  them  to  a  non- 
plus  J  as  being  beyond  all  Experience ;  they  in  all  their 
lifetime  never  having  seen  or  heard  of  the  like." 

The  chief  recorded  result  to  Mr.  Hooker  himself, 
however,  of  this  Esher  experience  was  his  marrying 
Mrs.  Drake's  waiting-woman,  Susanna.  Who  this 
young  woman  was,  whose  future  was  to  be  so  full  of 
vicissitude,  who  was  to  be  exiled  to  Holland,  to  voy- 
age the  Atlantic,  to  be  carried  on  a  litter  through  the 
Massachusetts  forests  to  Connecticut,  to  survive  her 
husband  we  know  not  how  long,  and  to  be  buried 
we  know  not  where  —  there  seems  no  way  at  present 
to  determine. 


38  LIFE   OF   THOMAS  HOOKER. 

That  she  was  esteemed  in  Mr.  Drake's  family  is 
evidenced  by  the  provision  in  Mr.  Drake's  will,  dated 
March  13,  1634,  by  which  he  gave  to  '' Johana 
Hooker  whoe  is  now  in  New  England  ^30  to  be 
paid  her  the  day  of  her  marriage."  This  was  Mr. 
Hooker's  daughter  who  married  Rev,  Thomas  Shep- 
ard,  and  from  a  comparison  of  dates  would  seem 
to  have  been  his  oldest  child,  and  may  have  been 
born  at  Esher,  and  named  Joanna  for  Mrs.  Drake, 
whose  maiden  name  was  Joanna  Tothill. 

Esher's  proximity  to  London  favoured  the  more  ready 
recognition  of  Mr.  Hooker's  gifts  as  a  preacher,  and 
it  appears  that  some  ineffectual  attempts  were  made 
to  secure  his  establishment  in  some  capacity  at 
Colchester  in  Essex,  "whereto  Mr.  Hooker  did  very 
much  incline,  .  .  .  but  the  providence  of  God  gave 
an  obstruction  to  that  settlement." 
"'  Mather  says  ^  Hooker's  desire  to  be  at  Colchester 
was  on  account  of  its  proximity  to  Mr.  Rogers  of 
Dedham,  whom  he  used  to  call  "  the  prince  of  all  the 
preachers  in  England ;  "  but  "  it  was  an  observation 
which  Mr.  Hooker  would  sometimes  afterwards  use 
unto  his  friends  *  that  the  providence  of  God  often 
diverted  him  from  employment  in  such  places  as  he 
himself  desired,  and  still  directed  him  to  such  places 
as  he  had  no  thoughts  of.' " 

But  sometime  probably  in  1626  an  invitation  was  ex- 
tended and  accepted  for  Mr.  Hooker's-  establishment 
as  Lecturer  in  connection  with  the  church  of  St.  Mary 
at  Chelmsford,  Essex,  then  under  the  rectoral  care  of 
1  Magnalia,  i.  304. 


HOOKER'S  EXGLISH  MINISTRY.  39 

Rev.  John  Michaelson.  Possibly  he  had  been  resi- 
dent a  little  while  previous  in  the  immediate  vicinity., 
for  the  parish  register  of  Great  Baddow  contains  the 
following  entry :  "  Anne,  daughter  of  Mr.  Thomas 
Hooker,  clerk,  and  Susan  his  wife,  baptized  at  Great 
Baddow,  Essex,  January  5.  1626."  As  pertinent  to 
Mr.  Hooker's  family  relationships  it  may  also 
here  as  appropriately  as  anywhere  be  remarked  that 
the  Chelmsford  parish  register  contains  the  record, 
under  date  of  April  9,  1628,  of  the  baptism  of  '*  Sarah 
daughter  of  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker  and  Susan  his  wife  ; " 
and  on  August  26,  1629,  of  her  burial. 

Chelmsford  was  a  busy  town  twenty- nine  miles  east 
from  London,  and  its  old  Gothic  church  is  an  edifice 
of  great  antiquity.  The  great-tower  and  most  of  the 
older  portions  of  the  building  are  made  of  the  flint 
nodules,  from  the  size  of  the  fist  upward,  found  in  the 
chalk-pits  of  the  neighbourhood,  laid  in  cement.  The 
arch  of  the  Norman  door  in  the  great-tower  has  the 
Boar  and  Mullet  pf  the  De  Vere  family.  In  1641  the 
Parliamentary  visitation  was  the  occasion  of  a  riot  in 
which  the  beautiful  glass  windows  were  destroyed,  and 
Rev.  Dr.  Michaelson,  the  rector,  subjected  to  personal 
indignities  and  injury.  The  roof  of  the  nave  fell  in, 
in  1800,  and  the  repair  in  other  stone  than  that  which 
characterizes  the  older  portion  of  the  structure  has 
an  unpleasing  and  incongruous  appearance.  The 
patronage  of  the  church  was  given  or  sold  by  Henry 
VHI.  to  Roger  Mildmay,  ancestor  of  Sir  Roger  Mild- 
may,  founder  of  Emmanuel  College  ;  and  twenty  gen- 
erations of  the  family  sleep  underneath  its  roof.     This 


40  LIFE   OF   THOMAS  HOOKER. 

noble  old  sanctuary  became  for  between  three  and 
four  years  the  scene  of  Mr.  Hooker's  public  labours  as 
Lecturer. 

These  Lectureships,  to  which  reference  has  already 
several  times  been  made,  were  one  of  the  most  char- 
acteristic outgrowths  of  the  Puritan  movement  in 
England.  They  were  designed  to  secure  a  more 
efficient  preaching  service  than  cculd  be  often  had 
from  the  legal  incumbent  of  a  benefice.  They  were 
generally  supported  by  voluntary  gifts  of  wealthy 
Puritans,  though  sometimes  endowed  by  permanent 
funds ;  and  were  customarily  held  by  persons  having 
scruples  about  the  ceremonies  and  the  vestments,  and 
consequently  not  always,  though  generally,  in  priest's 
orders.  The  Lecturer  preached  on  market-days  and 
Sunday  afternoons,  as  supplemental  to  the  regularly 
appointed  church  services.  The  system  was  im- 
mensely popular  with  the  multitude,  who  were  dis- 
satisfied with  "  no  preaching  and  dumb  ministers," 
as  those  who  confined  themselves  to  the  liturgy  were 
called,  and  developed  into  wide  and  large  proportions 
in  the  country  generally. 

But  by  so  much  as  Lectureships  were  popular  with 
the  masses  they  were  obnoxious  to  the  church  party, 
who  sympathized  with  Laud  and  with  the  intensifying 
demand  for  Conformity  represented  by  the  king. 
Already,  some  four  years  previous  to  Hooker's  enter- 
ing on  his  Chelmsford  Lectureship,  James,  in  1622, 
had  issued  injunctions  to  the  clergy,  through  the  arch- 
bishop, forbidding  any  one  of  them  under  the  stand- 
ing of  "  a  bishop  or  dean  [to]  presume  to  preach  in 


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY.  4 1 

any  popular  auditory  on  the  deep  points  of  predes- 
tination, election,  reprobation,  or  of  the  universality, 
efficacy,  resistibility,  or  irresistibility  of  God's  grace  ;  " 
and  prescribing  that  all  Sunday  afternoon  sermons  be 
rigidly  restricted  to  exposition  of  the  "Catechism, 
Creed,  or  Ten  Commandments."  ^  This  was  a  direct 
stroke  at  the  Lecturers.  The  Puritan  revival  had 
brought  these  doctrinal  topics  to  the  forefront  of  de- 
bate, and  these  themes  were  now  prohibited.  Charles 
followed  up  his  father's  attempt  to  silence  the  Lec- 
turers by  his  proclamation  in  June,  1626,  — just  about 
the  time  Hooker  was  making  his  first  essays  at 
Chelmsford,  —  forbidding  discussion  of  any  opinions 
not  justified  by  the  "  literal  and  grammatical  sense  "  ^ 
of  the  Articles  of  the  Church.  Lecturers  were  or- 
dered to  read  the  service  of  the  liturgy  before  the 
delivery  of  the  homily,  and  to  wear  the  surplice  in 
doing  so. 

It  was  under  the  at  least  nominal  imposition  of 
these  limitations  that  all  Lecturers  were  placed  during 
the  period  which  followed  Hooker's  arrival  at  Chelms- 
ford. Doubtless  these  limitations  were  often  disre- 
garded. Certainly  he  disregarded  most  of  them. 
Probably  he  preached  in  the  Genevan  gown  rather 
than  the  surphce.  Certainly  he  treated  of  election, 
reprobation,  the  resistibility  or  irresistibility  of  God's 
grace  without  mincing.  His  published  sermons  — 
the  fruit,  as  has  been  said,  of  his  repeated  traversing 
of  experimental  points  of  divinity  at  Cambridge,  Esher, 
and  Chelmsford  —  leave  no  doubt  on  that  point. 
1  Neal,  i.  272.  2  \\y^^,  291. 


42  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Nor  is  there  any  doubt  of  the  wide  and  profound 
impression  made  by  his  discourses.  Auditors  flocked 
to  his  ministrations  from  great  distances,  and  "  some 
of  great  quahty  among  the  rest,"  ^  —  one  of  whom 
was  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  afterward  sheltered  and 
befriended  the  Lecturer's  family  when  Mr.  Hooker 
was  forced  to  flee  the  country.  His  labours  resulted 
not  only  in  the  visible  reformation  of  morals  in  Chelms- 
ford, but  in  stimulating  to  similar  endeavours  many 
other  ministers  of  the  surrounding  region. 

It  was  probably  of  this  period  of  his  English  minis- 
try that  the  occurrences  took  place  which  Mather  nar- 
rates concerning  the  eflect  of  Mr.  Hooker's  preaching, 
which  may  as  well  be  given  in  Mather's  language  :  ^ 

"  A  profane  person  designing  therein  only  an  ungodly 
diversion  and  merriment  said  unto  his  companions,  Co7ne, 
let  us  go  hear  what  that  bawling  Hooker  will  say  to 
us;  and  thereupon  with  an  intention  to  make  sport, 
unto  Chelmsford  lecture  they  came.  The  man  had  not 
been  long  in  the  church,  before  the  quick  and  powerful 
word  oi  God  in  the  mouth  of  his  faithful  Hooker^  pierced 
the  soul  of  him ;  he  came  out  with  an  awakened  and  a 
distressed  soul,  and  by  the  further  blessing  of  God  upon 
Mr.  Hooker'' s  ministry  he  arrived  unto  a  true  conversion  j 
for  which  cause  he  would  not  afterwards  leave  that 
blessed  ministry,  but  went  a  thousand  leagues  to  attend 
it,  and  enjoy  it.  Another  memorable  thing  of  this  kind 
was  this;  it  was  Mr.  Hooker's  manner  once' a  year  to 
visit  his  native  county;  and  in  one  of  these  visits  he  had 
an  invitation  to  preach  in  the  great  church  of  Leicester. 
One  of  the  chief  burgesses  in  the  town  much  opposed  his 

1  Magnalia,  i.  304.  ^  ibid.  i.  306,  307. 


HO O ICE R'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY.  43 

preaching  there  ;  and  when  he  could  not  prevail  to  hinder 
it,  he  set  certain  Jidlcrs  at  work  to  disturb  him  in  the 
churcli-porch,  or  church-yard.  But  such  was  the  vivacity 
of  Mr.  Hooker^  as  to  proceed  in  what  he  was  about,  with- 
out either  the  damping  of  his  mind,  or  the  drowning  of 
his  voice  J  whereupon  the  man  himself  went  unto  the 
church-door  to  over-hear  what  he  said.  It  pleased  God 
so  to  accompany  some  words  uttered  by  Mr.  Hooker^  as 
thereby  to  procure,  first  the  atteiitioii  and  then  the  coji- 
victio7i  of  that  wretched  man  ;  who  then  came  to  Mr. 
Hooker  with  a  penitent  confession  of  his  wickedness,  and 
became  indeed  so  penitent  a  convert,  as  to  be  at  length  a 
sincere  professor  and  practiser  of  the  godliness,  whereof 
he  had  been  2i  persecutor^ 

Of  the  same  date  is  also  another  of  Mather's  stories^ 
concerning  Mr.  Hooker's  preaching  at  Chelmsford  on 
the  occasion  of  "  a  fast  kept  throughout  the  nation/' 
when  — 

"  Mr.  Hooker  then,  in  the  presence  of  the  Judges,  and 
before  a  vast  congregation,  declared  freely  the  sins  of  Eyig* 
land,  and  the  plagues  that  would  come  for  such  sins ;  and 
in  his  prayer  he  besought  the  God  of  heaven  to  set  on  the 
heart  of  the  King  what  his  own  mouth  had  spoken,  and  in 
the  second  chapter  of  Malachy,  and  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  verses  (in  his  prayer  he  so  distinctly  quoted  it !) 
An  abomination  is  committed,  Jndah  hath  married  the 
daughter  of  a  strange  God,  the  Lord  will  cttt  off'  the  man 
that  doeth  this.  Though  the  Judges  turned  unto  the 
place  thus  quoted,  yet  Mr.  Hooker  came  into  no  trouble ; 
but  it  was  [not?]  long  before  the  kingdom  did." 

It  is  in  connection  with  this  incident  of  more  than 
mdirectly  passing    censure    on    the    king    before  the 

^  Magnalia,  i.  313. 


44  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

judges,  that  Mather  quotes  a  saying  of  one  that  had 
"  observed  the  heroical  spirit  and  courage  with  which 
this  great  man  fulfilled  his  ministry,"  that  ^^  He  was  a 
person  who  while  doing  his  master's  woi'k.  would  put  a 
king  in  his  pocket^ 

Meantime,  however,  the  tension  between  the  king 
and  Parliament  was  growing  hourly  more  severe.  In 
the  middle  of  July,  1628,  Laud  had  been  transferred  to 
the  See  of  London,  and  henceforth  had  the  ear  of  the 
king  in  all  matters.  The  Parliament,  which  met  on 
the  20th  of  January,  1629,  proceeded  at  once  to  the 
discussion  of  the  rehgious  question;  and  on  the  25th 
of  February  certain  Heads  of  Ai'ticles  were  presented 
by  the  Commons,  complaining  of  the  "  subtle  and  per- 
nicious spreading  of  the  Arminian  faction ;  "  of  the 
"bold  and  unwarrantable"  introduction  of  "sundry 
new  ceremonies  "  and  "  bringing  men  into  question 
and  trouble  for  not  obeying  that  for  which  there  is  no 
authority."  The  king  rejoined  by  dissolving  Parlia- 
ment. For  eleven  years  there  was  not  to  be  another. 
Government  was  now  in  the  hands  of  prerogative 
only. 

The  decks  cleared  for  action,  Laud  now  turned  at- 
tention to  the  Lecturers.  Long  hateful  to  him,  he  now 
presented  a  series  of  Considei-ations  to  the  king  for 
their  regulation  or  suppression.  He  alleged  that  the 
Lecturers  were  "  the  people's  creatures,"  and  "  blew 
the  bellows  of  their  sedition."  He  inveighed  against 
"  Emmanuel  and  Sidney  Colleges  "  as  "  nurseries  of 
Puritanism,"  and  implored  that  "  grave  and  orthodox 
men  "  be  appointed  governors  therein. 


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY,  45 

The  king,  nothing  loath,  authorized  the  promul- 
gation of  "  certain  Orders  to  be  observed  and  put  in 
execution  by  the  several  Bishops.  "  ^  Among  these 
orders  were  the  following  :  "  That  in  all  parishes  the 
afternoon  service  be  turned  into  catechising  by  ques- 
tion and  answer;  "  "  that  every  lecturer  read  Divine 
service  before  lectures  in  surplice  and  hood ;  "  that 
lecturers  "preach  in  gowns,  and  not  in  cloaks,  as 
too  many  do  use ;  "  and  that  in  general  the  former 
instructions  concerning  the  avoidance  of  matters  con- 
nected with  the  predestinarian  controversy  be  strictly 
observed. 

Armed  with  these  newly  sharpened  weapons,  the 
bishop  proceeded  to  clear  his  diocese  of  the  obnox- 
ious blowers  of  the  bellows  of  sedition.  Among  those 
who  this  year  were  silenced  for  nonconformity  to  the 
orders  of  the  bishop,  in  the  near  vicinity  of  Chelms- 
ford, were  John  Rogers  of  Dedham,  Daniel  Rogers 
of  Wethersfield,  and  John  Archer  of  Halsted.^  The 
blow  fell  also  on  Mr.  Hooker.  How  likely  it  was  to 
do  so  appears  vividly  set  forth  in  a  letter  written  by 
Rev.  Samuel  Collins,  Vicar  of  Braintree,  in  a  letter  to 
Dr.  Duck,  Laud's  Chancellor,  which  under  date  of 
May  20,  1629,  obviously  recognizes  the  commence- 
ment of  ecclesiastical  procedures  already  against  the 
Chelmsford  Lecturer.     Mr.  Collins  writes  :  ^  — 

"  Since  my  return  from  London  I  have  spoken  with 
Mr.  Hooker,  but  I  have  small  hope  of  prevailing  with 

1  Neal,  i.  298. 

2  David's  Nonconformity  in  Essex,  p.  146. 
^  Ibid.  150,  1 51. 


46  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

liim.  All  the  favour  he  desires  is  that  my  Lord  of  Lon- 
don would  not  bring  him  into  the  High  Commission 
Court,  but  permit  him  quietly  to  depart  out  of  the  dio- 
cese. .  .  .  All  men's  eares  are  now  filled  with  y^  obstrep- 
erous clamours  of  his  followers  against  my  Lord  ...  as 
a  man  endeavouring  to  suppress  good  preaching  and  ad- 
vance Popery.  All  would  be  here  very  calme  and  quiet 
if  he  might  depart.  ...  If  he  be  suspended  its  the  reso- 
lution of  his  friend  and  himself  to  settle  his  abode  in  Essex, 
and  maintenance  is  promised  him  in  plentifull  manner  for 
the  fruition  of  his  private  conference,  which  hath  already 
more  impeached  the  peace  of  our  church  than  his  pub. 
lique  ministry.  His  genius  will  still  haunte  all  the  pulpits 
in  ye  country,  where  any  of  his  scholers  may  be  admit- 
ted to  preach.  .  .  .  There  be  divers  young  ministers 
about  us  .  .  .  that  spend  their  time  in  conference  with 
him ;  and  return  home  and  preach  what  he  hath  brewed. 
.  .  .  Our  people's  pallats  grow  so  out  of  tast,  y^  noe  food 
contents  them  but  of  Mr.  Hooker's  dressing.  I  have  lived 
in  Essex  to  see  many  changes,  and  have  scene  the  people 
idolizing  many  new  ministers  and  lecturers,  but  this  man 
surpasses  them  all  for  learning  and  some  other  consider- 
able partes  and  .  .  .  gains  more  and  far  greater  followers 
than  all  before  him.  ...  If  my  Lord  tender  his  owne  future 
peace  ...  let  him  connive  at  Mr.  Hooker's  departure." 

Apparently  Dr.  Duck  was  inclined  to  the  same 
view ;  for,  probably  at  the  chancellor's  instance,  ^f r. 
Collins  reported,  on  June  3,  an  attempt  to  confer 
with  Mr.  Hooker  on  the  subject :  1  — 

"On  Monday  I  rode  to  Chelmsford  to  speake  with  him, 
but  found  him  gone  .  .  .  and  purposed  to  returne  to  Lon- 
don to  appeare  before  my  Lord  upon  the  first  day  of  this 

1  David's  Nonconformity  in  Essex,  p.  151. 


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY.  47 

terme,  at  which  time  I  cannot  be  at  London  ...  I  pray 
God  direct  my  Lord  of  London  in  this  weighty  business 
.  .  .  this  will  prove  a  leading  case,  and  the  issue  thereof 
will  either  much  incourage  or  else  discourage  the  regular 
clergie.  All  men's  heads,  tongues,  eyes,  and  ears  are 
in  London,  and  all  the  counties  about  London,  taken  up 
with  plotting,  talking,  and  expecting  what  will  be  the 
conclusion  of  Mr.  Hooker's  business.  ...  It  drowns  the 
noise  of  the  greate  question  of  Tonnage  and  Poundage. 
I  dare  not  say  halfe  of  that  I  heare ;  paper  walls  are  easily 
broken  open.  But  hearing  and  knowing  as  much  as  I 
doe,  I  dare  be  bold  to  say  that  if  he  be  once  quietly  gone, 
my  Lord  hath  overcame  the  greatest  difficulty  in  govern- 
ing this  parte  of  his  diocese  ...  let  him  be  as  cautelous 
as  he  will,  yet  in  his  present  course  the  humour  of  our 
people  will  undoe  him." 

Apparently,  however,  Mr.  Hooker  carried  out  his 
purpose  of  appearing  at  London  before  the  bishop, 
and  a  bond  was  taken  of  a  Mr.  Nash  of  Much 
Waltham  in  the  sum  of  ^5  o  for  his  appearance  when 
called  for. 

But  on  the  3d  of  November  following,  renewed 
complaint  was  made  to  Laud  of  Hooker's  continuance 
in  *'  his  former  practices ;  "  the  rector  of  Rawreth, 
one  Rev.  John  Browning,  who  presented  the  com- 
plaint, entreating  that  it  may  "  please  your  lordship 
to  grant  us  y^  helpe  of  your  honourable  authority,  if  not 
to  y^  suppressinge  and  casting  out  (as  we  hope)  such 
an  one  from  amongst  us,  yet  at  least  to  the  defendinge 
us  who  live  in  obedience." 

Stirred  up  probably  by  tidings  of  this  communica- 

1  David's  Nonconformity  in  Essex,  p.  152. 


48  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

tion,  the  following  petition  to  the  bishop  was  drawn 
up  under  date  of  Nov.  lo,  1629,  and  signed  by 
forty -nine  ministers  of  the  vicinage,  and  forwarded  to 
Laud,  asking  a  stay  of  adverse  proceedings  :  ^  — 

*'  Whereas  we  have  heard  that  your  honour  hath  been 
informed  against  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker,  preacher  at 
Chelmsford,  that  the  conformable  ministers  of  these 
partes  desire  his  removal  from  the  place,  we,  whose 
names  are  here  under  written,  being  ministers  of  the  partes 
adjoining,  all  beneficed  men,  and  obedient  to  His  Majes- 
ty's ecclesiastical  laws,  doe  humbly  give  your  lordship  to 
understand  that  we  all  esteeme  and  knowe  the  said  Mr. 
Thomas  Hooker  to  be,  for  doctryne,  orthodox,  and  life 
and  conversation  honest,  and  for  his  disposition  peace- 
able, no  wayes  turbulent  or  factious,  and  so  not  doubting 
but  he  will  contynue  that  good  course,  commending  him 
and  his  lawfull  suite  to  your  lordship's  honourable  favour, 
...  we  humbly  take  our  leave,  and  remaine  your  honour's 
humbly  at  command." 

Samuel  Collins,  Duck's  correspondent,  John  Mi- 
chaelson  the  Chelmsford  rector,  and  Stephen  Marshall, 
the  afterward  celebrated  member  of  the  Westminster 
Assembly  of  divines,  were  among  the  signers  of  this 
petition. 

Seven  days  later,  what  was  in  effect  a  counter-peti- 
tion, signed  by  forty-one  of  the  Essex  ministers,  — 
two  of  v/hom  had  signed  also  the  previous  petition, — 
was  forwarded  to  Laud,  praying  the  bishop  "  not  [to] 
relax  unto  us  that  tye  by  which  we  stand  obliged  to 
the  lawful  ceremonies  of  our  church,  yet  to  enforce 
these  irregulars  to  conforme  with  us.     That  soe  there 

1  David's  Nonconformity  in  Essex,  p.  153. 


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY.  49 

may  effectually  be  wrought  a  generall  uniformitie 
amongst  us  all."  ^ 

The  second  petition  was  much  more  to  Laud's 
mind  than  the  first ;  and  it  must  have  been  almost  im- 
mediately after  it  that  Mr.  Hooker  was  compelled  to 
lay  down  his  lectureship  at  Chelmsford  and  to  retire 
to  Little  Baddow,  a  small  hamlet  about  four  miles 
away,  where,  "  at  the  request  of  several  eminent  per- 
sons, he  kept  a  school  in  his  own  hired  house. ^'  ^  It 
was  probably  in  connection  with  this  demission  of  his 
ministry  that  he  preached  a  sermon  which  some 
eleven  or  twelve  years  afterward,  in  1641,  got  into 
print,  entitled  "  The  Danger  of  Desertion,  or  a 
Farwell  Sermon  of  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker,  Sometimes 
Minister  of  Gods  Word  at  Chaifisford  in  Essex ;  but 
now  oi  New  England." 

The  theme  of  the  discourse  is  the  peril  of  England 
in  the  threatened  withdrawal  of  God's  favour,  whereof 
the  preacher  indicated  that  he  saw  manifest  tokens. 
The  sermon  bears  marks  of  haste  and  heat  in  the  de- 
livery, and  was  probably  printed  from  imperfect  notes, 
and  does  not  convey  the  best  impression  of  the 
preacher's  style.  It  has,  however,  occasional  touches 
of  his  vivid  use  of  common  illustrations ;  as  where 
he  says,^  — 

"  We  may  take  up  the  complaint  of  the  Prophet,  Tsa. 
64.  7.  No  7nan  stirs  tip  himself e  to  lay  hold  upon  God : 
For  this  is  our  misery,  if  that  we  have  quietnesse  and 
commodity  we  are  well  enough,  thus  we  play  mock-holy- 

1  David's  Nonconformity  in  Essex,  p.  158. 

2  Magnalia,  i.  305. 

3  Page  15. 

4 


5©  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

day  with  God,  the  Gospell  we  make  it  our  pack-horse : 
God  is  going,  his  glory  is  departing,  England  hath  seene 
her  best  dayes,  and  now  evill  dayes  are  befalling  us:  God 
is  packing  up  his  Gospell,  because  no  body  will  buy  his 
wares,  nor  come  to  his  price.  Oh  lay  hands  on  God ! 
and  let  him  not  goe  out  of  your  coasts,  he  is  a  going, 
stop  him,  and  let  not  thy  God  depart,  lay  siege  against 
him  with  humble  and  hearty  closing  with  him,  suffer  him 
not  to  say,  as  if  that  he  were  going,  farewell,  or  fare  ill 
England,  God  hath  said  that  he  will  doe  this,  and  because 
that  he  hath  said  it,  he  will  doe  it,  therefore  prepare  to 
meet  thy  God,  O  England !  " 

Or  again  :  ^  — 

"Thou  Engla7icl ^\\\q\\\^2^\.  lifted  up  to  heaven  with 
meanes  shall  be  abased  and  brought  downe  to  hell ;  for  if 
the  mighty  works  which  have  been  done  in  thee  had 
been  done  in  India  or  Turky,  they  would  have  repented 
ere  this  ;  therefore  Capernaums  place  is  Englaiids  place, 
which  is  the  most  insufferablest  torment  of  all  ;  and 
marke  what  I  say,  the  poore  native  Turks  and  Infidels 
shall  have  a  cooler  summer  parlour  in  hell  then  you ;  for 
we  stand  at  a  high  rate,  we  were  highly  exalted,  therefore 
shall  our  torments  be  the  more  to  beare." 

Mr.  Hooker's  employment  as  teacher  at  Little  Bad- 
dow  cannot  have  been  of  long  duration,  and  is  chiefly 
memorable  for  the  association  with  him  there  of  John 
Eliot,  who  says,^  — 

"  To  this  place  I  was  called  through  the  infinite  riches 
of  God's  mercy  in  Christ  Jesus  to  my  poor  soul :  for  here 
the  Lord  said  unto  my  dead  soul,  live;  and  through  the 
grace   of   Christ   I   do  live,   and   I   shall  live  for  ever! 

*  Page  20.  2  Magnalia,  i.  305. 


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY.  51 

When  I  came  to  this  blessed  family,  I  then  saw,  and 
never  before,  the  power  of  godliness  in  its  lively  vigour 
and  efficacy." 

But  Laud  had  not  forgotten  the  Chelmsford  Lec- 
turer in  the  Little  BadJow  schoolmaster.  He  was 
cited,  on  the  loth  of  July,  1630,  to  appear  before  the 
High  Commission  Court.  This  time  he  did  not 
respond.  His  bondsman,  Mr.  Nash,  a  tenant  of  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  being  reimbursed  by  Mr.  Hooker's 
Chelmsford  friends,  paid  the  penal  sum  into  the 
court  j  the  Earl  meanwhile  providing  for  Mr.  Hook- 
er's family  at  a  place  called  Old  Park,  while  he  him- 
self got  secretly  aboard  a  vessel  for  Holland.  It 
was  doubtless  well  that  he  fled.  The  experience  of 
Alexander  Leighton,  another  nonconformist  minister, 
who  was  this  year  pilloried,  whipped,  branded,  slit 
in  the  nostrils,  and  deprived  by  successive  mutila- 
tion of  his  ears,  might  have  been,  at  least  in  part,  his 
experience. 

His  pursuers  arrived  at  the  seaside  just  too  late  for 
his  arrest.  Cotton  Mather  narrates  ^  several  charac- 
teristic "  remarkables  "  in  connection  with  his  flight, 
—  as  the  wind  shifting  in  his  favour,  which  had  been 
contrary,  as  soon  as  he  got  aboard ;  and  his  stand- 
ing forth,  like  Paul,  when  the  vessel  ran  aground  and 
was  in  "  eminent  hazard  of  shipwrack  upon  a  shelf  of 
sand,"  assuring  the  sailors  that  they  should  all  be  pre- 
served.    Certain  it  is  they  landed  safely  in  Holland. 

1  Magnalia,  i.  307. 


52  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

LIFE  IN   HOLLAND   AND  DEPARTURE  FOR   AMERICA. 

Now  I  live,  if  yoti  stand  fast  in  the  Lord.  . 

Salutation  to  the  Church  at  Newtown  :  Magnalia,  i.  310. 

Arrived  in  Holland,  Mr.  Hooker  was  for  a  period 
of  uncertain  duration  resident  at  Amsterdam ;  and 
negotiations  looking  to  his  association  in  the  pastor- 
ate of  the  British  Presbyterian  Church  there,  then 
under  the  care  of  Rev.  John  Paget,  were  begun.  This 
church,  founded  in  1607,  was  ecclesiastically  in  fel- 
lowship with  the  Dutch  establishment,  received  pro- 
vision from  the  State,  and  had  assigned  to  it  a  deserted 
chapel  of  the  Beguyn  nuns  for  its  place  of  worship.'^ 
Mr.  Paget  had  been  identified  with  the  church  from 
the  founding  of  it,  and  had  perhaps  something  of  the 
sensitiveness  of  an  old  man  as  to  his  associates. 
Mather  intimates  ^  that  it  was  jealousy  of  Hooker's 
abilities  which  broke  off  the  negotiations.  Mr.  Paget, 
however,  denies  his  responsibility  for  breaking  them, 
and  asserts  that  they  were  broken  by  the  Classis  and 
the  Synod,  and  that  the  ground  of  this  action  was  Mr. 
Hooker's  position  in  willingness  to  accord  fellowship 
to    Brownists,  and  his  refusing   to   censure  such   as 

i  Steven's  Scottish  Church  in  Rotterdam,  p.  273. 
2  Magualia,  i.  307,  308. 


LIFE  IN  HOLLAND.  53 

"  went  to  hear  the  *  Brownists  '  in  their  schismatical  as- 
sembly." ^  This  representation  of  Hooker's  position 
Mather  asserts  is  incorrect,  averring  ^  that  instead  of 
favouring  the  Brownists  he  had  an  "  extream  aversion  " 
to  them,  and  that  he  told  Mr.  Paget  that  to  ''  separate 
from  the  faithful  assemblies  and  churches  in  Etig- 
landy  as  no  churches  is  an  error  in  judgment,  and  a  sin 
in  practice,  held  and  maintained  by  the  Brownists  ; 
and  therefore  to  communicate  with  them  in  their 
opinions  or  practice  is  sinful  and  utterly  unlawful ; 
and  care  should  be  taken  to  prevent  offence,  either 
by  encouraging  them  in  their  way,  or  by  drawing 
others  to  a  further  approbation  of  that  way  than  is 
meet." 

If  this  statement  were  fully  to  be  relied  on,  it  would 
seem  to  be  conclusive.  But  it  is  easy  for  controver- 
sialists to  mistake  one  another.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  up  to  this  time  Mr.  Hooker  had  come  in  con- 
tact with  the  Brownists,  or,  as  they  came  soon  to  be 
called.  Independents,  at  all ;  and  his  views  about  their 
position  may  not  have  become  in  all  respects  de- 
fined. Certainly  he  came  to  be  a  strenuous  Inde- 
pendent, and  his  leanings  that  way  may  have  become 
clear  enough  for  the  recognition  of  his  Presbyterian 
associate.  At  all  events,  it  is  certain  that  the  Synod 
was  some  way  led  to  pronounce  an  adverse  judgment 
upon  the  question  of  his  joint  pastorate  with  Mr. 
Paget,  declaring,  in  confirmation  of  the  conclusion  al- 
ready reached  by  the  Classis,  "  that  a  person's  standing 
in  such  opinions  as  were  in  writing  showed  unto  the 

1  Hanbury,  i.  532,  541.  2  Magnalia,  i.  308. 


54       LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Classis,  could  not  with  any  edification  be  admitted  at 
the  Ministry  of  the  EngUsh  Church  at  Amsterdam."^ 
The  fact  that  Mr.  Paget  had  similar  troubles  respect- 
ing the  proposed  association  with  him  subsequently  of 
Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Parker,  Mr.  Forbes,  and  Mr. 
Peter,  together  with  the  result  of  these  controversies 
in  a  wordy  war  of  pamphlets,  in  which  he  and  Mr. 
Davenport  assailed  each  other  in  a  style  more  vigor- 
ous than  courteous,  —  Mr.  Davenport  accusing  Mr. 
Paget  of  '*  Tyrannical  Government  and  Corrupt  Doc- 
trine," and  Mr.  Paget  countering  with  the  accusation 
that  Mr.  Davenport  had  issued  a  book  with  a  '•'■  vile 
title  "  and  contents  "  also  as  vile,"  ^  —  may  perhaps 
justify  Fuller's  characterization^  of  Mr.  Paget  as  a 
"  captious  Puritan,"  but  goes  far  to  absolve  him  of 
the  meaner  motive  of  personal  jealousy  which  Mather 
intimates.  For  indeed  the  issues  between  the  parties 
were  the  radical  ones  which  afterward  so  divided  on 
English  soil  the  forces  of  Presbyterianism  and  Inde- 
pendency. Nor  ought  it  to  be  forgotten  in  defence  — 
or  excuse,  as  one  chooses  —  of  the  position  of  the  oc- 
cupants of  English  Presbyterian  pulpits  in  Holland,  that 
they  were  still  under  the  watch  and  regulation  of  the 
government  at  home.  In  May,  1628,  King  Charles 
had  addressed  "  to  the  Synod  of  the  English  and 
Scottish  clergy  in  the  Netherlands  "  a  series  of  com- 
mands,^ corresponding  to  those  we  have  seen  imposed 
on  the  ministry  in  England,  requiring  the  "  foresaid 

1  Hanbury,  i.  532.  2  ibid.  527. 

3  Church  History,  book  xi.  p.  51. 
*  Steven,  pp.  262,  263. 


LIFE  IN  HOLLAND.  55 

clergymen  [not  to]  interfere,  either  in  making  or  com- 
posing, .  .  .  any  new  Liturgy  or  fixed  form  of  prayer  for 
their  congregations."  They  "  shall  introduce  no  nov- 
elties in  any  rites  or  ceremonies,"  and  "  they  shall  not 
presume  to  meddle  with  any  points  of  doctrine." 
The  situation  of  any  occupant  of  a  State-recognized 
pulpit  in  Holland  was  thus,  it  will  be  seen,  about  as 
embarrassing  as  that  of  any  minister  at  home ;  and  it 
is  not  strange  that  Mr.  Paget  should  have  found  him- 
self perplexed  by  the  proposed  association  with  him 
of  men  of  as  advanced  and  in  some  respects  of 
as  disagreeing  opinions  as  Hooker  and  Parker  and 
Davenport  and  Hugh  Peter  entertained  among  them- 
selves. 

Leaving  Amsterdam,  Mr.  Hooker  went  to  Delft, 
and  became  connected  in  the  ministry  of  the  Scottish 
Presbyterian  Church  there  with  its  pastor,  Rev.  John 
Forbes.  Here  conditions  were  more  favourable  for  a 
comfortable  association  with  the  established  incum- 
bent. Mr.  Forbes  had  already  experienced  something 
of  the  severity  of  prerogative,  having  been  banished 
from  Scotland  about  1611,  for  presiding  as  moderator 
of  the  famous  Aberdeen  Assembly  called  contrary  to 
the  wish  of  the  king ;  and  he  had  his  own  noncon- 
forming inclinations,  as  was  proved  a  little  after  the 
time  of  Hooker's  connection  with  him,  by  his  removal 
from  his  charge  at  the  request  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, for  not  submitting  to  the  discipline  which  Laud 
was  bent  on  extending  over  English  residents  abroad 
as  well  as  in  their  own  land.^  Mather  speaks  ^  with 
1  Steven,  p.  294.  2  Magnalia,  i.  30S. 


56       LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

his  usual  effusiveness  of  classical  illustration  of  the 
relations  existing  during  these  two  years  between  Mr. 
Forbes  and  Mr.  Hooker,  comparing  them  to  '^  Basil 2c^<\ 
Nazianzen,  .  .  .  one  soul  in  Iwo  bodies ^'^  but  of  positive 
incident  records  only  the  first  preachmg  of  Mr.  Hooker 
at  Delft,  from  the  text,  *'  To  you  it  is  given  not  only  to 
believe,  but  also  to  suffer, "  —  a  topic  certainly  fruit- 
ful of  illustration  to  many  in  those  troublous  times. 

After  about  two  years  Mr.  Hooker  removed  to 
Rotterdam,  being  invited  to  some  kind  of  ministerial 
association  with  Rev.  Hugh  Peter  and  Rev.  William 
Ames,  though  his  name  does  not,  like  theirs,  appear 
on  the  pastoral  list  of  the  church.  This  organization 
had  been  gathered  apparently  about  the  year  1628, 
by  Peter,  afterward  to  be  so  well  known  in  New 
England  story  and  destined  to  so  trcgic  a  fate  in  the 
civil  war  at  home.  And  with  him  in  1632  was  joined, 
to  survive  only  a  few  months,  the  celebrated  ex-pro- 
fessor of  the  Franeker  University,  best  known  to 
scholars  by  his  Latinized  name  Aniesiiis,  Ames  had 
again  and  again  experienced  the  severity  of  English 
high-churchly  ill-will,  which  had  prevailed  several  times 
with  the  authorities  of  Holland  to  prevent  his  es- 
tablishment in  some  position  of  honour  to  which  he 
had  been  called  ;  and  now,  worn  out  with  labour  and 
exposure  to  the  North- Sea  winds  of  the  province  of 
Franeker,  he  came  to  Rotterdam  to  die.  Indefati- 
gable however  as  a  writer,  Ames  was  engaged  at  the 
time  of  his  death  on  a  book  entitled  "  A  Fresh  Svit 
against  Human  Ceremonies  in  Gods  Worship." 

This  book  is  an  answer  to  one  written  by  Dr.  John 


LIFE  IN  HOLLAND.  57 

Burgess,  which  itself  was  a  rejoinder  to  a  previous 
volume  by  Ames,  published  in  1622.  Ames  was  Dr. 
Burgess's  son-in-law,  though  his  wife,  Dr.  Burgess's 
daughter,  was  dead  before  this  controversy  began. 
One  wonders  how  far  family  feeling  may  have  mingled 
with  conscientious  principle  in  this  voluminous  and 
protracted  debate.  But  our  chief  concernment  in 
the  matter  lies  in  the  fact  that  as  Ames  barely  lived 
to  see  the  main  part  of  his  manuscript  through  the 
press,  and  even  that  under  great  difficulties,  Mr. 
Hooker  completed  the  task,  writing  "  An  Advertisment 
to  the  Reader,  Occasioned  by  the  never  enough 
lamented  death  of  my  deare  freind,  the  Authour  of 
this  Fresh  suite."  In  this  "  Advertisment  "  he  says  of 
his  friend  :  — 

"  Vnderstand  Christian  Reader,  that  with  the  comming 
forth  of  this  booke  into  the  light,  the  learned  and  famous 
Authour  Dr.  Ames  left  the  light,  or  darknes  rather  of 
this  world.  ...  I  may  not  keep  back  what  I  heard  him 
speake  as  in  the  sight  of  God,  that  he  was  in  his  con- 
science more  perswaded  of  the  evill  of  these  reliques  of 
Popery  and  monuments  of  that  superstition  then  ever,  and 
yet  he  never  had  seen  good  in  them,  or  come  from  them ; 
and  that  moreover  if  D.  B.  [Dr.  Burgess]  or  any  other  of 
them  would  yet  be  daubing  with  untempered  mortar,  and 
not  give  over  to  paint  rotten  sepulchres,  he  was  by  the 
grace  of  God  resolved  still  to  maintain  the  cause,  and 
while  he  liued  never  let  fall  the  suit  commenced  this  way. 
•  .  .  Together  with  his  life  God  hath  put  an  end  to  all 
his  travailes,  wherein  he  shewed  himself  a  pattern  of  holi- 
nes,  a  burning  and  a  shining  light,  and  lamp  of  learning 
&  Arts,  a  Champion  for  trueth,  specially  while  for  the 
space  of  12  yeares  at  least,  he  was  in  the  Doctors  Chaire 


$8  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

at  Franequer,  and  having  fought  the  good  fight  of  faith, 
whereunto  he  was  called,  &  professed  a  good  profession 
before  many  witnesses,  he  hath  now  indeed  layd  hold  on 
eternall  life." 

With  this  estimate  of  Ames  on  Mr.  Hooker's  part, 
it  is  pleasant  to  know  that  Dr.  Ames  was  wont  to  say 
of  Mr.  Hooker,  that  "  though  he  had  been  acquainted 
with  many  scholars  of  divers  nations,  yet  he  never  met 
with  Mr.  Hooker's  equal,  either  for  preaching  or  for 
disputing."  ^  It  is  plain,  too,  that  Mr.  Hooker  agreed 
with  the  argument  and  conclusions  of  Ames's  book. 
Besides  the  "  Advertisment  "  he  wrote  also  the  long 
Preface  to  the  volume ;  a  brief  extract  from  which 
will  sufficiently  indicate  his  own  position  on  the  ques- 
tion in  debate.     He  says  :  — 

"  The  state  of  this  vvarr  is  this  :  wee  (as  it  becommeth 
Christians)  stand  upon  the  sufficiency  of  Christs  institu- 
tions, for  all  kynde  of  worship  :  and  that  exclusively  the 
word  (say  we)  &  nothing  but  the  word,  in  7natte7's  of 
Religious  worship.  The  Praelats  rise  up  on  the  other 
side,  &  will  needs  haue  us  allovve,  &  tlse  certayne  hu- 
mane Ceremonyes  of  Religion  in  our  Christian  worship. 
We  desire  to  be  excused,  as  houlding  them  unlawfull. 
Christ  we  know :  &  all  that  cometh  from  him,  we  are 
ready  to  imbrace.  But  these  human  Cerem.  in  divine 
worship  wee  know  not,  nor  can  haue  any  thing  to  doe 
with  them." 

One  further  quotation  from  this  Preface  written  by 
Mr.  Hooker  is  significant  as  indicating  the  trials  which 
the  demand  for  conformity  occasioned  both  to  thosa 

1  Magnalia,  i.  30S. 


DEPARTURE  FOR  AMERICA.  59 

who  resisted  and  to  some  who,  in  his  opinion  rather 
weakly,  yielded  to  the  demand.  The  quotation  is  the 
more  significant  because  he  prints  in  the  margin 
against  the  passage  the  words,  *'  I  speake  but  what  I 
know."     He  says  :  — 

"  Its  certayne,  some  have  openly  protested,  that,  if  it 
were  but  half  an  hovvres  hanging,  they  vvoulcl  rather  suf- 
fer it,  then  subscribe.  But  for  them  &  theirs,  to  ly  in  the 
ditch,  &  to  be  cast  into  a  blynd  corner,  like  broken  ves- 
sels ;  yea  they  &  their  familyes  to  dye  many  hundred 
deaths,  by  extreame  misery,  before  they  could  come  unto 
their  graves ;  This  they  were  not  able  to  undergoe.  A 
condition,  I  acknowledge,  which  needs  &  deserves  a 
great  deale  of  pity  &  commiseration,  since  it  is  true,  that 
some  kinds  of  oppression  make  a  man  mad  :  But  oh  that 
the  God  of  mercy  would  pRit  it  into  the  mynds  &  hearts 
of  those  whom  it  doth  concerne,  that  they  would  never 
suffer  such  refuse  reliques,  longe,  to  hazard,  not  only  the 
comforts,  but  even  the  consciences  &  happines  of  many 
distressed  soules." 

The  book  was  issued  in  1633,  and  probably  in  the 
early  part  of  it,  for  the  seventh  month  of  the  year  was 
to  find  Mr.  Hooker  across  the  seas,  in  America. 

This  transit  to  America  must  have  been  a  good 
while  contemplated.  Apparently  the  original  plan 
had  been  to  associate  Hooker  and  Cotton  in  a  New 
England  enterprise  ;  a  project,  however,  which  had 
been  abandoned,  for  the  reason  as  Mather  as- 
serts that  it  was  thought  that  ''a  couple  of  such  great 
men  might  be  more  servicable  asunder  than  to- 
gether." It  may  have  been  in  connection  with  this 
proposed  union  of  these  two  eminent  lights  in  some 


6o  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

joint  church-fellowship  in  a  New- World  plantation  that 
Hooker  wrote  to  Cotton  from  Rotterdam  :  — 

"The  state  of  these  provinces  to  my  weak  eye,  seems 
wonderfully  ticklish  and  miserable.  For  the  better 
part,  heart  7-eligion,  they  content  themselves  with  very 
forms,  though  much  blemished;  but  the  power  of  godli- 
ness, for  ought  I  can  see  or  hear,  they  know  not ;  and  if 
it  were  thoroughly  pressed,  I  fear  least  it  will  be  fiercely 
opposed."^ 

But  the  hope  for  any  improvement  in  Puritan  pros- 
pects either  in  Holland  or  England  was  small.  The 
hand  of  prerogative  reached  across  the  German  Sea, 
and  laid  its  heavy  weight  upon  the  churches  there 
holding  nominal  connection  with  the  State,  and  was 
annoying  and  disquieting  those  avowedly  independent 
of  such  connections.  Laud's  influence  was  all  the 
while  growing  at  home ;  and  the  significant  coinci- 
dence may  be  noted  that  it  was  this  year  (1633)  that 
saw  his  elevation  from  the  bishopric  of  London  to 
the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury  and  the  primacy  of 
all  England.  How  the  Roman  Church  regarded  the 
English  primate  may  be  inferred  from  the  flict,  which 
he  records  in  his  diary,  that  eleven  days  after  his  ele- 
vation to  his  new  dignity  he  was  ofi'ered  a  cardinalate 
in  the  papal  hierarchy.  No  wonder  the  Puritans 
were  discouraged  as  to  any  relief  in  Holland  or  at 
home.  Their  thoughts  turned  to  the  New  World  as 
their  only  refuge. 

Apparently  plans  had  so  far  matured  that  a  com- 
pany of  people  had  gone  from  Essex  County  the  year 
1  Magnalia,  i.  308. 


DEPARTURE  FOR  AMERICA.  6 1 

before  to  America,  and  had  settled  down,  temporarily 
at  first,  at  Mount  Wollaston,  near  Boston,  with  the 
expectancy  of  Mr.  Hooker's  following  them.  Already 
in  August,  1632,  this  group  of  settlers  from  the  towns 
and  vicinity  of  Braintree,  Colchester,  and  Chelmsford 
—  the  scene  of  Mr.  Hooker's  English  ministry  — 
were  known  as  "  Mr.  Hooker's  Company."  ^  Mr. 
Hooker  was  then  in  Holland,  and  did  not  arrive  for 
more  than  a  year  afterward ;  but  it  was  doubtless  in 
pursuance  of  an  understanding  that  he  was  to  follow 
that  they  bore  his  name  and  anticipated  his  coming. 
Removed  shortly  by  order  of  Court  to  Newtown, 
they  awaited  the  fulfilment  of  the  arrangements  which 
were  to  bring  them  a  fully  equipped  ministry.  This 
fully  equipped  ministry,  as  there  will  be  occasion 
shortly  to  notice,  demanded  the  service  not  of  one, 
but  of  two  preaching  Elders,  respectively  named  the 
Pastor  and  the  Teacher  of  the  church. 

Consequently,  when  the  negotiations  for  joining  Mr. 
Hooker  and  Mr.  Cotton  had  been  abandoned,  the 
"judicious  Christians"  who  had  the  interests  of  Mr. 
Hooker  and  Mr.  Hooker's  American  company  in 
charge  turned  to  younger  men.  Rev.  John  Norton, 
afterward  of  Ipswich  and  of  Boston,  and  Rev.  Thomas 
Shepard,  subsequently  of  Cambridge  and  Mr.  Hook- 
er's son-in-law,  were  thought  of;  but  choice  fell 
finally  upon  Rev.  Samuel  Stone,  then  a  Lecturer  at 
Towcester. 

Mr.  Stone  was  born  at  Hertford,  and  baptized  at 
All  Saints  Church  there  July  30,  1602.     He  was  prob- 

1  Winthrop's  Journal,  i.  104,  105. 


62  LIFE   OF   THOMAS  HOOKER. 

ably  educated,  at  least  in  part,  at  Hale's  Grammar 
School  in  his  native  place,  which  was  endowed  in 
1 617,  when  Master  Samuel  was  about  fifteen  years 
old.  He  entered  Emmanuel  College  as  pensioner 
April  19,  1620,  and  took  his  B.  A.  degree  in  1624,  and 
his  M.  A.  in  1627.  The  middle  of  June  of  that  year 
found  him  exercising  the  functions  of  curate  at  the 
parish  of  All  Saints  at  Stisted  in  Essex,  two  miles 
from  Braintree,  where  the  records  till  September,  1630, 
appear  to  be  in  his  handwriting.  Probably  it  was 
during  this  Stisted  residence  that  he  came  into  some 
kind  of  pupillary  connection  with  Rev.  Richard  Black- 
erby,  a  graduate  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge, 
*'  who,  not  being  capable  of  a  Benefice,  because  he 
could  not  subscribe,"  ^  established  a  school  at  Ashen, 
in  the  same  county ;  constantly  "  kept  Lectures  in 
some  Neighbouring  Town,"  and  became  a  kind  of 
peripatetic  theological  seminary  for  nearly  twenty-three 
years  together.  "  Divers  young  Students  (after  they 
came  from  the  University)  betook  themselves  to  him 
to  prepare  them  for  the  Ministry,  .  .  .  and  many 
eminent  persons  proceeded  from  this   Gaffia/iel.''^ 

Sometime  in  1630,  however,  Mr.  Stone  went  as 
Puritan  Lecturer  to  the  considerable  town  of  Tow- 
cester  in  Northampton.  He  went  by  the  commen- 
dation of  Thomas  Shepard,  who  had  himself  been 
invited  to  the  place.  Shepard's  commendation  of 
Mr.  Stone  to  the  position  he  could  not  himself  oc- 
cupy was  not  based  on  any  new  acquaintance.  Eight 
years  before,  when  they  were  at  Emmanuel  together, 
1  Clark's  Lives,  p.  58.  / 


DEPARTURE  FOR  AMERICA.  (i^ 

Stone,  who  was  the  elder  by  about  four  years,  had 
been  Shepard's  adviser  in  a  matter  of  great  concern 
to  him,  commending  him  to  the  "  spiritual  and  ex- 
cellent preaching  of  Dr.  Preston."  And  Shepard 
records  ^  that  Mr.  Stone  went  to  Towcester  with  the 
Lecture,  "  where  the  Lord  was  with  him.  And  thus  I 
saw  the  Lord's  mercy  following  me  to  make  me  a 
poor  instrument  of  sending  the  Gospel  to  the  place  of 
my  nativity." 

It  was  during  this  occupancy  of  the  Towcester 
Lectureship  that  Mr.  Stone  was  invited  by  "  the  ju- 
dicious christians  that  were  coming  to  New-England 
with  Mr.  Hooker^''  to  be  "  an  assistant  unto  Mr. 
Hooker,  with  something  of  a  disciple  also."  ^  Some- 
time in  1633,  therefore,  Mr.  Hooker  crossed  over 
from  Holland  to  England,  and  joined  his  prospective 
colleague  in  the  New  England  ministry. 

One  late  incident  of  Mr.  Hooker's  experience  in 
England  remains  in  the  quaint  and  pedantic  narrative 
of  Mather,  which  shows  Mr.  Stone  to  have  been,  as 
he  has  always  had  the  credit  of  being,  a  man  of  ready 
wits.  The  place  is  not  stated,  but  it  may  very  pos- 
sibly have  been  at  Mr.  Stone's  family  home  at 
Hertford.  The  story  may  be  told  in  the  language 
of  the   "Magnalia":^  — 

"  Returning  into  Englatidm  order  to  a  further  voyage, 
he  [Mr.  Hooker]  was  quickly  scented  by  the  pursevants; 
who  at  length  got  so  far  up  with  him,  as  to  knock  at  the 

^  Young's  Massachusetts,  p.  518. 
2  M  agnail  a,  i.  393. 
8  Ibid  309. 


64       LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

door  of  that  very  chamber,  where  he  was  now  discoursing 
with  Mr  Stone;  who  was  now  become  his  designed  com- 
panion and  assistant  for  the  New-English  enterprize.  Mr. 
Stone  was  at  that  instant  smoking  of  tobacco;  for  which 
Mr.  Hooker  had  been  reproving  him,  as  being  then  used 
by  few  persons  of  sobriety ;  being  also  of  a  sudden  and 
pleasant  wit,  he  stept  unto  the  door,  with  his  pipe  in  his 
mouth,  and  such  an  air  of  speech  and  look,  as  gave  him 
some  credit  with  the  officer.  The  officer  demanded, 
Whether  Mr.  Hooker  were  not  there  ?  Mr.  Stone  replied 
with  a  braving  sort  of  confidence,  What  Hooker?  Do 
yon  mean  Hooker  that  lived  ofice  at  Chelmsford  !  The 
officer  answered,  Ves,  he  /  Mr.  Sto?ie  immediately,  with 
a  diversion  like  that  which  once  htV^o-d  Athajiasius,  made 
this  true  answer.  If  it  be  he  you  look  for ^  I  saw  hitn  about 
an  hour  ago,  at  such  aft  house  ijt  town  j  you  had  best 
hastefi  thither  after  him.  The  officer  took  this  for  a  suf- 
ficient account,  and  went  his  way ;  but  Mr.  Hooker,  upon 
this  intimation,  concealed  himself  more  carefully  and  se- 
curely, till  he  went  on  board,  at  the  Downs,  in  the  year 
1633,  the  ship  which  brought  him,  and  Mr.  Cotton,  and 
Mr,  Stone  to  New-Englatid :  where  none  but  Mr.  Stone 
was  owned  for  a  preacher,  at  their  first  coming  aboard; 
the  other  two  delaying  to  take  their  turns  in  the  publick 
worship  of  the  ship,  till  they  were  got  so  far  into  the  main 
ocean,  that  they  might  with  safety,  discover  who  they  were." 

The  voyage  was  of  eight  weeks'  duration.  It  was 
doubtless  diversified,  as  we  know  from  Roger  Clap's 
Diary  ^  the  Dorchester  company's  voyage  was,  by  the 
*'  preaching  or  expounding  of  the  word  of  God  every 
day  "  by  some  one  of  the  ministers.  And  there  was 
certainly  considerable   preaching   capacity  on   board 

1  Young's  Massachusetts,  p,  348. 


DEPARTURE  FOR  AMERICA.  65 

the  *^  Griffin,"  and  a  good  deal  of  hearing  capacity  also  ; 
for  beside  Hooker  and  Stone,  Rev.  John  Cotton  was 
of  the  company,  and  Mr.  Pierce,  Mr.  Haynes,  after- 
ward Governor  of  Massachusetts  and  of  Connecticut, 
*'  a  gentleman  of  great  estate,  Mr.  Hoffe  [Atherton 
Hough]  and  many  other  men  of  good  estates,"  two 
hundred  passengers  in  all,  were  fellow  voyagers.^  The 
incident  of  the  birth  of  a  child  to  Mr.  Cotton  on  the 
voyage  is  recorded,  and  is  chiefly  memorable  for  the 
occasion  it  gave  for  the  indication  of  the  quite  pro- 
nounced type  of  Congregationalism  which  prevailed 
among  the  "  Griffin's  "  company,  manifested  in  with- 
holding the  rite  of  baptism  from  the  poor  infant 
till  land  was  reached  and  a  new  church-membership 
could  be  established. 

The  vessel  reached  Boston  September  4  ;  and  "  Mr. 
Hooker  and  Mr.  Stone  went  presently  to  Newtown, 
where  they  were  to  be  entertained,  and  Mr.  Cotton 
stayed  at  Boston."  ^  On  the  following  Saturday,  Mn 
and  Mrs.  Cotton  were  *^  propounded  to  be  admitted" 
members  of  the  Boston  church.  On  the  Sunday  after, 
they  were  admitted  ;  and  then  the  child  was  presented 
by  his  father  and  baptized  "Seaborn"  by  Rev.  Mr. 
Wilson,  pastor  of  the  church ;  Mr.  Cotton  explaining 
that  the  reason  why  the  child  had  not  been  baptized 
on  the  voyage  was  "  not  for  want  of  fresh  water,  for 
he  held,  sea-water  would  have  served,"  but  "  i,  because 
they  had  no  settled  congregation  there;  2,  because 
a  minister  hath  no  power  to  give  the  seals  but  in  his 
own  congregation."  ^     This  is  certainly  very  vigorous 

1  Winthrop,  i.  129, 130.        2  ji^jd.  130.        ^  ibi^j,  j^i. 

5 


66  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Congregationalism.  Cotton  and  Hooker  and  Stone, 
who  were  doubtless  at  one  in  this  view,  had  mani- 
festly thrown  overboard  a  large  cargo  of  ecclesiastical 
traditions  in  which  they  had  been  educated. 

This  practical  breach  with  the  system  of  things 
left  behind  doubtless  received  additional  illustration 
when,  on  the  nth  of  October  following,  Mr.  Hooker 
and  Mr.  Stone  were  ordained  respectively  Pastor  and 
Teacher  of  the  church  at  Newtown.  Not  that  the 
Newtown  company,  any  more  than  the  Salem  company, 
led  by  Francis  Higginson  four  years  before,  was  an 
avowedly  Separatist  company.  It  was  Puritan.  Its 
members  had  probably  every  one  been  members  of 
the  established  Church  of  England.  It  is  not  hkely 
that  any  of  them  while  in  their  own  country  had  stood 
in  a  position  of  declared  Separation  from  it.  But  three 
thousand  miles  of  watery  distance  from  a  hierarchy 
many  of  whose  usages  they  had  cast  off,  and  planta- 
tion in  a  virgin  wilderness,  were  great  realities  which 
could  not  be  forgotten  when  the  fashioning  of  new 
ecclesiastical  institutions  came  to  be  forced  upon 
them.  Hence  when  the  new  settlers  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay  came  to  the  formation  of  their  churches, 
they  did,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  adopt  the  Brownist  theory, 
already  illustrated  ten  years  or  more  at  Plymouth,  of 
the  competency  of  every  congregation  of  believers 
to  constitute  its  o^vn  church-estate,  and  to  choose  and 
ordain  its  own  officers.  Indeed,  in  the  very  first 
instance  of  the  constitution  of  such  a  church  within 
the  province  of  Massachusetts  —  that  at  Salem  in 
1629 — the  influence  and  co-operation  of  the  avow- 


DEPARTURE  FOR  AMERICA.  67 

edly  Separatist  and  Independent  church  of  Plymouth 
is  distinctly  recognized.^ 

The  church  body  to  which  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr. 
Stone  came,  had  probably  been  organized  before  the 
arrival  of  the  expected  minister.  It  had  been  fourteen 
months  on  the  ground ;  had  erected  a  "  house  for 
public  worship  "  with  the  very  unusual  accompani- 
ment of  "  a  bell  upon  it  "  some  time  in  1632  ;  ^  had 
probably  already  adopted  a  covenant,  chosen  William 
Goodwin  its  Ruling  Elder,  and  may  have  chosen 
Andrew  Warner  and  some  one  else  its  Deacons. 
When  it  came  to  setting  Pastor  and  Teacher  in  their 
offices  the  event  took  place  doubtless  in  a  way  sub- 
stantially identical  with  the  like  event  occurring  the 
day  previous  in  the  Boston  church  in  the  induction  to 
office  of  John  Cotton.  That  event  Mr.  Winthrop 
minutely  describes.®  Of  this  one,  because  he  had  so 
fully  delineated  the  first,  he  simply  says,  under  date  of 
Oct.  II,  1633  :  "A  fast  at  Newtown,  where  Mr.  Hooker 
was  chosen  pastor,  and  Mr.  Stone  teacher,  in  such  a 
manner  as  before  at  Boston."  That  procedure  becomes 
thus  a  guide  in  the  present  transaction  at  Newtown. 
In  the  light  of  it  no  essential  mistake  can  be  made  if 
it  is  said  to  have  taken  place  as  follows.  A  Ruling 
Elder  and  two  Deacons  having  been  chosen  —  either 
at  that  time  or,  as  the  weight  of  evidence  seems  to 
show,  previously  —  the  "congregation"  signified,  in 

1  Bradford's  History,  pp.  264,  265 ;    Magnalia,  i.  dd. 

2  Prince's  Annals,  ii.  75;  Hubbard,  p.  189;  Paige's  Cam- 
bridge, p.  17. 

3  Journal,  i.  135,  136. 


68  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

response  to  the  proposal  by  the  RuHng  Elder,  their 
choice  of  Mr.  Hooker  as  Pastor,  and  of  Mr.  Stone 
as  Teacher,  by  the  "  erection  of  hands."  Then  the 
Ruling  Elder  asked  the  two  elected  officers  if  they 
did  "  accept  of  that  call,"  whereto,  if  they  answered  as 
Cotton  did  at  Boston,  they  in  effect  replied  that  know- 
ing themselves  to  be  "  unworthy  and  unsufficient  for 
that  place ;  yet,  having  observed  all  the  passages  of 
God's  providence  in  calling  [them  ]  to  it,  [they]  could 
not  but  accept  it."  Whereupon,  in  default  of  a 
Preaching  Elder  such  as  was  had  in  Mr.  Cotton's 
case  to  join  with  the  Ruling  Elder  in  the  service,  the 
Ruling  Elder  with  **  3  or  4  of  y^  gravest  members  of 
y^  church  "  —  as  in  Higginson's  and  Skelton's  ordina- 
tion at  Salem  —  laid  their  hands  on  Mr.  Hooker's  head, 
and  the  Ruling  Elder  prayed,  and  then,  "  taking  off 
their  hands,  laid  them  on  again,  and,  speaking  to  him 
by  his  name,  they  did  thenceforth  design  him  to  the 
said  office  [of  pastor]  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Ghost." 
The  Pastor  being  thus  ordained  and  now  taking  the 
lead,  he  and  the  Ruling  Elder  and  some  "  grave 
member  "  laid  their  hands  on  the  head  of  Mr.  Stone, 
and  with  similar  service  of  prayer,  declaration  of 
office,  and  sign  of  enduement  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
ordained  him  to  the  office  of  Teacher.  Then 
if  Mr.  Wilson,  Mr.  Cotton,  or  other  "  neighboring 
ministers  "  were  present,  as  was  probably  the  case, 
they  gave  the  new  Pastor  and  Teacher  the  "right 
hands  of  fellowship." 

And    so    the    church   at   Newtown   became    fully 
equipped  and  officered  for  its  work;    being,  if  we 


DEPARTURE  FOR  AMERICA.  6g 

must  suppose  it  not  organized  till  this  date  of  Oct. 
II,  1633,  the  tenth  or  eleventh  church  gathered  on 
this  New  England  soil ;  but  if  organized  before,  as 
was  more  Hkely  the  fact,  being,  as  Johnson  says  in  his 
" Wonder- Working  Providence,"  the  "eighth."  ^ 

Pastor  and  Teacher,  — the  distinction  between  these 
two  officers  in  the  primitive  New  England  church 
was  supposed  to  be  based  on  Scripture,  as  for  example 
on  Ephesians  iv.  11,  and  to  be  practically  important. 
This  distinction  is  perhaps  as  well  stated  as  anywhere 
in  an  "Answer"  of  certain  "Reverend  Brethren" 
in  New  England,  sent  in  1639,  to  inquiries  ad- 
dressed to  them  in  1637  by  "  many  Puritan  minis- 
ters "  in  Old  England ;  the  twenty-second  of  which 
inquiries  was  this,  "  What  Essentiall  difference  put 
you  between  the  Office  of  Pastor  and  Teacher,  and 
doe  you  observe  the  same  difference  inviolably  ?  ' ' 
To  which  inquiry  this  reply  was  given, '^  "  And  for  the 
Teacher  and  Pastor,  the  difference  between  them  lyes 
in  this,  that  the  one  is  principally  to  attend  upon 
points  of  Knowledge  and  Doctrine,  though  not  with- 
out Application ;  the  other  to  points  of  Practice, 
though  not  without  Doctrine."  Both  were  preachers, 
but  the  Pastor's  function  as  a  preacher  was  thought  to 
have  special  reference  to  the  experimental  part  of 
life  and  behaviour ;  the  Teacher's  rather  to  dogma 
and  faith.  Both  had  oversight  of  the  flock ;  but  the 
Pastor  was  supposed  to  be  the  shepherd  and  feeder, 

1  Wonder-Working  Providence,  p.  60. 

^  Church    Government    and   Church   Covenant    Discussed 
(written  by  Richard  Mather),  etc.,  pp.  74-76. 


7©       LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

the  Teacher  the  guide  and  warder.  Both  were  to 
be  vigilant  against  error  \  but  the  Pastor  chiefly  in 
matters  of  practice,  the  Teacher  in  matters  of  belief. 
Both  gave  their  whole  time  to  the  work  of  the 
ministry,  and  were  supported  by  the  common  funds 
of  the  congregation. 

Yet  it  is  obvious  that  the  distinction  between  these 
two  offices  was  an  obscure  one,  and  that  each  was 
likely  to  be  continually  taking  on  the  functions  of  the 
other.  The  Pastor  could  not  preach  much  without 
dealing  with  matters  of  doctrine,  and  the  Teacher 
could  not  instruct  long  without  dealing  with  matters 
of  practice.  So  that  it  is  not  surprising  that  this 
supposed  important  distinction  between  the  pastoral 
and  teaching  function  —  though  lasting  longer  in  gen- 
eral New  England  history  than  the  ruling- eldership  — 
became  before  a  very  great  while  obsolete. 

But  in  that  first  new  day  of  ecclesiastical  experi- 
ment and  devotion,  Pastor  and  Teacher  were  deemed 
alike  indispensable.  And  so  the  "grave  godly  and 
judicious  Hooker,  .  . .  and  the  Retoricall,  Mr.  Stone  "  ^ 
entered  upon  the  work  of  the  two  offices  side  by  side. 

1  Wonder-Working  Providence,  p.  58. 


IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  71 


CHAPTER   V. 

^ESr  MASSACHUSETTS   AND   REMOVAL  TO   CONNECTICUT. 

For  after  Mr.  Hooker's  coming  over,  it  was  observed  that 
many  of  the  freemen  grew  to  be  very  jealous  of  their  liberties. 

Hubbard  (ed,  1848),  p.  165. 

The  communitary  life  into  which  Pastor  Hooker 
and  Teacher  Stone  found  themselves  introduced  on 
their  arrival  in  the  Bay  had  already  passed  the  sever- 
est of  the  experiences  incident  to  the  planting  of  a 
new  colony.  Salem,  Dorchester,  Boston,  Watertown, 
Roxbury,  Lynn,  Charlestown,  and  probably  Newtown 
had  not  only  regularly  established  town  organiza- 
tions, but  church  institutions  and  more  or  less  well- 
developed  social  privileges;  and  there  were  several 
other  plantations  in  the  near  vicinity  which  were 
moving  rapidly  toward  a  like  stage  of  development. 

All  these  various  settlements  in  the  Bay  had  grown 
up  since  1628,  when,  after  several  ineffectual  attempts 
to  plant  permanent  institutions,  a  company  of  settlers 
under  the  lead  of  John  Endicott  had  fixed  upon 
Salem,  and  made  there  the  hoped-for  dwelling-place 
of  "  peace." 

These  towns  were  all  gathered  under  the  provisions 
of  a  charter  to  the  '*  Governor  and  Company  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,"  granted  in  1629,  which  docu- 


72  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

ment  had  been  brought  over  by  Mr.  John  Winthrop 
and  a  notable  company  of  associates  in  June,  1630. 
The  granting  of  the  charter  was  as  a  trumpet-call  to 
sympathizers  with  the  Puritan  movement  in  England ; 
and  company  after  company  of  stalwart  men  and 
heroic  women,  despairing  of  the  reformation  of  the 
State  and  Church  in  their  own  land,  turned  their  faces 
in  hope  to  the  New  World,  and  found  home  and  sanc- 
tuary in  more  or  less  voluntary  exile  in  America. 

Probably  at  the  time  of  Hooker's  arrival  at  New- 
town at  least  three  thousand  Englishmen  were  scat- 
tered among  the  towns  and  plantations  of  the  Bay. 
They  were  settling  down  to  the  various  labours  of 
planting,  building,  making  roads  and  bridges,  catch- 
ing and  curing  fish,  trading  with  the  Indians  for  furs, 
taking  care  of  their  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats,  breed- 
ing cattle,  and  building  up  the  fabric  of  an  orderly 
society.  It  was,  on  the  whole,  a  remarkable  assemblage 
of  men  and  women. 

The  ministers,  now  numbering  thirteen  or  fourteen 
in  the  colony,  were  nearly  all  University  men,  had 
been  clergy  of  the  English  Church,  and  were,  several 
of  them,  eminent  at  home  for  all  clerical  gifts  and  at- 
tainments. The  magistrates  were  men  of  good  social 
position  in  their  own  land,  and  some  of  them  of 
wealth  and  honourable  family.  The  rank  and  file  of 
the  citizenship  were  of  solid,  middle-class  English  life, 
—  men  and  women  thrifty,  sober,  conscientious,  in- 
telligently rehgious,  and  Puritan  by  conviction  and  ex- 
perience. It  was  a  strong,  hardy,  somewhat  stern  and 
austere  society,  as  became  people  who  had  had  trials, 


IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  73 

were  in  the  midst  of  hardships,  and  had  the  prospect 
of  difficulties  yet  before  them. 

The  particular  town  to  which  Hooker  came  had,  in 
the  autumn  of  1633,  about  a  hundred  families.  It 
had  been  intended  that  the  place  should  be  the  seat 
of  government;  and  in  1630  some  houses  had  been 
built,  and  a  "  pallysadoe  "  made  "  aboute  the  newe 
towne,"  and  a  "fosse"  —  some  of  whose  remains 
were  visible  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  cen- 
tury —  dug  about  the  designated  precincts  of  the 
fortifications.  The  superior  advantages  of  Boston, 
however,  as  the  main  town  of  the  colony,  caused  the 
abandonment  of  the  plan  for  fortifying  Newtown ; 
but  William  Wood,  writing  in  the  year  Hooker  ar- 
rived, describes  the  place  as  **  one  of  the  neatest 
and  best  compacted  towns  in  New-England,  having 
many  fair  structures,  with  many  handsome  contrived 
streets.  The  inhabitants,  most  of  them,  are  very  rich, 
and  well  stored  with  cattle  of  all  sorts,  having  many  hun- 
dred acres  of  ground  paled  in  with  one  general  fence, 
which  is  about  a  mile  and  a  half  long,  which  secures  all 
their  weaker  cattle  from  the  wild  beasts."  ^  These  fair 
structures  and  handsome-contrived  streets  must  be 
understood  in  the  light  of  certain  orders  on  the  rec- 
ords of  the  little  settlement,  —  that  "  all  the  houses 
[within]  the  bounds  of  the  town  shall  be  covered  [with] 
slate  or  board,  and  not  with  thatch,"  and  that  all  houses 
shall  "range  even,  and  stand  just  six  [feet  on  each 
man's]  own  ground  from  the  street."  '^ 

1   "  New  England's  Prospect,"  in  Young's  Massachusetts, 
p.  402. 

^  Paige's  Cambridge,  pp.  18,  19. 


74       LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

The  coming  of  so  marked  a  reinforcement  of  the 
ministry  of  the  Bay  as  was  implied  in  the  arrival  of 
Cotton,  Hooker,  and  Stone  was  a  source  of  profound 
rejoicing  to  the  whole  colony.  Punning  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  a  forbidden  amusement  \  for  the  people 
were  pleased  to  say  that  their  "  three  great  neces- 
sities were  now  supplied,  for  they  had  Cotton  for  their 
clothing,  Hooker  for  their  fishing,  and  Stone  for  their 
building." 

The  ministers  themselves  instituted  a  meeting  "  at 
one  of  their  houses  by  course,  where  some  question  of 
moment  was  debated."  This  meeting  —  the  probable 
progenitor  of  the  Boston  Association  of  Congrega- 
tional Ministers — was,  however,  looked,  upon  askance 
by  Mr.  Skelton,  the  pastor  at  Salem,  and  by  Roger 
Williams,  who  was  with  him,  "  exercising  by  way  of 
prophecy ;  "  they  "  fearing  it  might  grow  in  time  to  a 
presbytery  or  superintendency,  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
churches'  liberties."  ^  Special  religious  awakening  at 
Boston  followed  the  coming  of  Mr.  Cotton  to  the 
church  in  that  place  ;  and  it  was  probably  at  this  time 
that  the  Thursday  lectures  were  established  in  each 
of  the  four  nearly  adjacent  towns,  —  Boston,  Dorches- 
ter, Roxbury,  and  Newtown.  But  by  October  of  the 
following  year  (1634),  "it  being  found,  that  the  four 
lectures  did  spend  too  much  time,  and  proved  over- 
burdensome  to  the  ministers  and  people,  the  ministers, 
with  the  advice  of  the  magistrates, . .  .  did  agree  to  re- 
duce them  to  two  days,  viz.,  Mr.  Cotton  at  Boston  one 
Thursday,  or  the  5""  day  of  the  week,  and  Mr.  Hooker 
1  Winthrop,  i.  139. 


IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  75 

at  Newtown  the  next  <^^^  day,  and 'Mr.  Warham  at  Dor- 
chester one  4*^  day  of  the  week,  and  Mr.  Welde  at 
Roxbury  the  next  4*^  day."  1  Apparently,  however, 
this  arrangement  did  not  long  suit  the  people,  who 
then,  as  generally,  liked  to  get  all  they  could  out  of 
their  ministers ;  and  in  December  following  the  old 
practice  of  the  afternoon  lectures  in  each  town  was 
resumed.^  The  range  of  these  Thursday  lectures, 
if  we  may  judge  from  the  reports  preserved  of  those 
of  Mr.  Cotton,  swept  the  whole  field  of  manners 
and  morals  as  well  as  doctrine.  One  of  these,  in 
1633  at  Boston,  was  about  the  non-necessity  of  veils 
for  women.  Mr.  Endicott,  the  fervid  magistrate  of 
Salem,  who  had  been  persuaded  otherwise  by  Roger 
Williams,  being  present,  argued  against  Mr.  Cotton, 
adducing  the  commandment  of  "  the  apostle ; "  and 
the  discussion  grew  so  warm  that  the  governor,  Win- 
throp,  felt  called  on  to  interpose,  **  and  so  it  break 
off."» 

At  another  lecture  Mr.  Cotton,  being  moved  by 
complaints  of  the  sharp  deahng  of  Robert  Keaine,  a 
merchant  of  Boston,  laid  open  the  error  of  some 
"  false  principles  "  in  matters  of  trade  ;  one  of  which 
false  principles  was  *'  that  a  man  might  sell  as  dear  as 
he  can,  and  buy  as  cheap  as  he  can ;  "  another,  "  that 
he  may  sell  as  he  bought,  though  he  paid  too  dear,  etc., 
and  though  the  commodity  be  fallen."  Against  which 
he  laid  down  the  proposition,  among  others,  that  "  a 
man  may  not  ask  any  more  for  his  commodity  than 
his  selling  price,  as  Ephron  to  Abraham,  the  land  is 

1  Winthrop,  1.  172.  ^  ibij.  jSq.  »  Ibid.  149. 


76  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

worth  thus  much."  ^  At  still  another  lecture  Mr. 
Cotton  came  down  in  reproval  of  a  proposition  pend- 
ing in  the  General  Court  for  leaving  out  of  office 
"  two  of  their  ancientest  magistrates,  because  they 
were  grown  poor,"  censuring  "such  miscarriage," 
and  telling  the  "  country,  that  such  as  were  decayed 
in  their  estates  by  attending  the  service  of  the  coun- 
try ought  to  be  maintained  by  the  country."  ^  But 
the  staple  of  Mr.  Cotton's  lectures  was  Scripture  expo- 
sition and  application.  He  had  practised  the  same 
thing  at  his  lectures  in  England,  and  "  at  both  Bos- 
tons went  through  near  the  whole  Bible."  ^  Mr. 
Cotton's  Thursday  lectures  were  probably  in  topic 
and  method  essentially  the  same  with  those  of  other 
ministers  of  the  colony.  We  know  more  of  them 
than  we  do  of  Mr.  Hooker's  or  the  other  ministers' 
mainly  because  he  had  in  his  church  an  intelligent 
hearer  who  kept  a  journal.  Mr.  Hooker  had  no  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop  jotting  down  in  his  diary  the  current 
events  in  which  his  pastor  took  a  share.  Neverthe- 
less he  seems  to  have  been  concerned  and  influential 
in  most  matters  that  were  going  on.  In  1633  and 
again  in  1636  he  was  associated  with  Cotton  and 
Wilson  in  reconciling  certain  oppositions  of  the  some- 
what touchy  Mr.  Dudley  of  Newtown  and  Governor 
Winthrop  of  Boston,  —  once  on  some  personal  differ- 
ence,^ and  again  about  the  degree  of  leniency  allow- 
able in  the  administration  of  pubHc  affairs,^  Dudley 

1  Winthrop,  i.  378-382.  2  ibid.  ii.  6-j. 

8  Cotton's  Narrative,  4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iv.  284. 
*  Winthrop,  i.  139,  140.  *  Ibid.  212. 


IN  MASSACHUSETTS,  77 

being  in  favour  of  sterner  measures  than  Winthrop 
practised  or  desired.  On  the  second  of  these  occa- 
sions, Mr.  Haynes  of  Newtown,  then  governor,  sided 
against  the  lenient  conduct  of  Winthrop,  —  a  fact  to 
be  made  note  of  in  connection  with  questions  shortly 
to  arise  concerning  the  causes  of  the  separation  of  the 
Newtown  Company  from  the  colony.  In  November, 
1634,  the  Assistants  called  on  Mr.  Hooker,  with  Mr. 
Cotton  and  Mr.  Welde  of  Roxbury,  to  take  to  task  his 
old  acquaintance,  the  usher  of  the  Little  Baddow 
School,  John  Eliot,  —  then  the  young  Teacher  of  the 
Roxbury  church  and  afterward  the  Indian  Apostle,  — 
for  criticising  the  magistrates  as  to  their  manner  of 
making  peace  with  the  Pequots.^ 

More  memorable  was  another  transaction  in  which 
the  General  Court  invoked  Mr.  Hooker's  aid.  The 
restless  and  afterward  celebrated  Roger  Williams  had 
been  installed  in  Mr.  Skelton's  place  at  Salem  against 
the  remonstrance  of  the  magistrates  of  the  colony," 
who  already  —  in  1631 — had  had  experience  of  his 
disquieting  influence  in  that  place.  Since  that  time 
he  had  been  in  Plymouth  ventilating  such  unsettled 
judgments  as  made  the  Plymouth  church  in  com- 
mending him  back  to  the  Salem  fellowship  accom- 
pany their  commendation  "  with  some  caution  to 
them  concerning  him,  and  what  care  they  ought  to 
have  of  him."  ^  Arrived  at  Salem  again,  he  recom- 
menced the  controversies  which  ultimately  resulted  in 
his   sentence   of  banishment.      It   was   the   circum- 

1  Winthrop,  i.  179.  2  Hubbard,  p.  204. 

3  Bradford,  p.  310. 


78  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Stances  of  the  time  which  gave  to  Mr.  Williams's  per- 
formances their  special  dangerousness.  No  doctrinal 
question  of  rehgion  was  involved,  least  of  all  that  view 
of  baptism  which  he  afterward  —  and  temporarily  ^  — 
held,  and  which  has  so  often  erroneously  been  repre- 
sented as  a  cause  of  exclusion  from  the  colony.  He 
denied  the  validity  of  the  colonial  charter ;  ^  he  coun- 
selled the  cutting  out  of  the  cross  from  the  king's 
flag ;  3  he  declared  the  administration  of  an  oath  of  of- 
fice to  an  unregenerate  person  to  be  a  participation  in 
taking  "  the  name  of  God  in  vain ;  "  *  he  pronounced 
worship  in  churches  which  had  not  renounced  con- 
nection with  the  Established  Church  of  England  a 
sin.^  When  the  General  Court  suspended  action  on 
a  petition  of  Salem  to  receive  a  grant  of  public  land, 
he  moved  his  church  to  write  to  other  churches  to 
discipline  their  members  who  as  town-representatives 
united  in  this  delay ;  ^  when  these  churches  hesitated 
to  act  on  this  advice  of  the  Salem  church,  he  coun- 
selled his  church  to  withdraw  fellowship  from  them  ;  "^ 
when  his  church  did  not  act  on  his  counsel  in  this 
matter,  he  withdrew  fellowship  from  it,  and  set  up  a 
private  conventicle  in  his  own  house ;  ^  and  when  his 
wife  continued  to  attend  the  Salem  church,  he  re- 
nounced fellowship  with  her,  and  refused  to  say  family 
prayers  or  grace  at  the  table  in  her  presence.^     In  an 

1  Winthrop,  i.  352,  353,  369.  2  ibid.  145,  180. 

8  Hubbard,  p.  205.  *  Winthrop,  i.  188. 
5  Ibid.  63,  180.                                  6  Ibid.  195. 

■^  Ibid.  198,  204.  8  Hubbard,  p.  207. 

9  Ibid. 


IN  MASSACHTSETTS.  79 

established  time  of  quietude  these  performances  of 
Mr.  Williams  might  have  been  comparatively  harm- 
less, and  been  winked  at  as  tokens  only  of  the  un- 
settled judgment  which  the  clear  mind  of  Governor 
Bradford  had  already  noted.  But  it  was  not  a  time 
of  quiet.  The  liberties  of  the  colony  were  in  immi- 
nent peril.  Proceedings  had  already  commenced  for 
vacating  the  charter  in  the  English  courts.  Reports 
tending  to  inflame  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  in 
England  were  continually  sent  back  by  disaffected 
persons,  in  America.  In  this  condition  of  affairs, 
to  deny  the  charter's  validity,  to  charge  the  king 
with  telling  a  "  lie  "  in  granting  it,^  to  recommend 
the  mutilation  of  the  king's  colours,  to  proclaim  the 
unchristian  character  of  the  churches  in  not  de- 
nouncing the  English  Church  as  anti- christian,  and 
to  turmoil  the  churches  and  magistrates  among  them- 
selves, were  offences  against  civil  peace  which  no  ad- 
ministration could  overlook.  The  question  was  not 
theological,  it  was  a  question  of  political  order  and  of 
public  safety ;  ^  and  it  was  forced  upon  a  reluctant 
government  by  a  man  who  was  not  even  a  freeman  of 
the  colony,  but  one  who  personally  declined,  and 
employed  his  pulpit  to  induce  others  to  decline,  even 
a  resident's  oath  of  loyalty  to  the  government  under 
which  he  lived. 

Being  summoned  before  the  Court  in  October,  1635, 
Mr.  Williams  "  maintained  all  his  opinions."     Asked 

1  "Winthrop,  i.  145. 

2  Palfrey,  i.  414 ;  Ellis's  Puritan  Age,  pp.  267-291 ;  Dexter's 
As  to  Roger  Williams,  p.  79. 


8o  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

if  he  would  take  the  subject  into  further  thought, 
for  which  purpose  a  month's  consideration  was  pro- 
posed to  him,  he  refused,  choosing  to  "  dispute 
presently." 

Accepting  his  proposal,  Mr.  Hooker  was  requested 
to  argue  the  points  in  debate,  in  hope  of  securing 
acquiescence  to  avoid  extremer  measures.  Most  of 
the  discussion  has  perished.  One  point  of  it,  how- 
ever, in  which  Mr.  Hooker  apparently  attempted  to 
apply  to  Mr.  Williams's  doctrine  of  the  sinfulness  of 
tendering  an  oath  to  an  unregenerate  person  the 
method  known  as  the  reductio  ad  absurdufn,  remains 
in  Mr.  Cotton's  account  of  it.^  Mr.  Williams  had 
complained  — 

"  that  he  was  wronged  by  a  slanderous  report  up  and 
downe  the  Countrey,  as  if  he  did  hold  it  to  be  unlawfull 
for  a  Father  to  call  upon  his  childe  to  eat  his  meate. 
Our  reverend  Brother,  Mr.  Hooker,  (the  Pastor  of  the 
Church  where  the  Court  was  then  kept)  being  mooved  to 
speake  a  word  to  it,  Why,  saithe  he,  you  will  say  as  much 
againe  (if  you  stand  to  your  own  Principles)  or  be  forced 
to  say  nothing.  When  Mr.  Williams  was  confident  he 
should  never  say  it,  Mr.  Hooker  replyed,  If  it  be  unlaw- 
full to  Call  an  unregenerate  person  to  take  an  Oath,  or  to 
Pray,  as  being  actions  of  God's  worship,  then  it  is  unlaw- 
full for  your  unregenerate  childe  to  pray  for  a  blessing 
upon  his  own  meate.  If  it  be  unlawfull  for  him  to  pray 
for  a  blesing  upon  his  meate,  it  is  unlawfull  for  him  to 
eate  it  (for  it  is  sanctified  by  prayer,  and  without  prayer 
unsanctified,  /  Tim.  iv :   4,  5.)     If  it  be  unlawfull  for  him 

^  Cotton's  Reply  to  Mr.  Williams  his  Examination,  p.  30. 


IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  8 1 

to  eate  it,  it  is  unlawfull  for  you  to  call  upon  him  to  eate 
it,  for  it  is  unlawfull  for  you  to  call  upon  him  to  sinne.  — 
Here  Mr.  Williams  thought  better  to  hold  his  peace,  then 
to  give  an  Answer." 

The  "  dispute  "  had  the  general  issue  of  similar 
controversies.  Mr.  Hooker's  endeavours  were  well 
meant,  and  judging  from  this  sample  were  logically 
ingenious  in  putting  Mr.  Williams  into  an  uncom- 
fortable dilemma,  but  he  "  could  not  reduce  him  from 
any  of  his  errors." 

The  inevitable  consequence  followed.  Mr.  Wil- 
liams's teachings  and  behaviour  were  playing  directly 
into  the  hands  of  Laud  and  prerogative  abroad,  and 
schism  and  disorder  at  home  ;  and  the  order  of  Court 
was  that  he  leave  the  colony,  whose  lawful  right  to 
be  or  to  legislate  he  denounced,  within  the  six  weeks 
next  ensuing. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  mutilation  of  the 
national  ensign.  Though  encouraged  by  Williams, 
the  act  was  that  of  Endicott.  The  matter  made  a 
great  stir.  The  towns  were  called  on  to  choose  a 
commission  of  one  from  each  town  on  the  subject, 
to  which  commission  the  magistrates  added  four. 
The  commission  declared  Mr  Endicott's  "  offence 
to  be  great ;  "  his  action  in  denouncing  the  cross 
as  "  a  sin  "  impeaching  the  magistrates  as  "  if  they 
would  suffer  idolatry,"  and  "  giving  occasion  to  the 
state  of  England  to  think  ill  of  us."  Mr.  Endi- 
cott was  therefore  admonished,  and  "disabled  for 
one  year  from  bearing  any  public  office ;  "  the  mag- 
istrates  declining   "  any    heavier    sentence,    because 

6 


82  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

they  were  persuaded  he  did  it  out  of  tenderness  of 
conscience,  and  not  of  any  evil  intent."^ 

A  sensible,  quiet-tempered  paper  on  this  contro- 
versy was  written  by  Mr.  Hooker,  which  is  preserved 
In  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  archives. 
It  has  never  been  published  in  full,  but  its  general 
bearing  may  be  inferred  from  the  single  paragraph  : 

"  Not  that  I  am  a  friend  to  the  crosse  as  an  idoll,  or  to 
any  idollatry  in  it ;  or  that  any  carnall  fear  takes  me 
asyde  and  makes  me  unwilling  to  give  way  to  the  evi- 
dence of  the  truth,  because  of  the  sad  consequences  that 
may  be  suspected  to  flowe  from  it.  I  blesse  the  Lord, 
my  conscience  accuseth  me  of  no  such  thing;  but  that 
as  yet  I  am  not  able  to  see  the  sinfulness  of  this  banner 
in  a  civil  use." 

The  ministers  of  the  colony  were  not  eligible  to 
secular  office,  but  their  advice  was  sought  on  weighty 
occasions,  and  Mr.  Hooker's  seems  to  have  been 
prized  as  highly  as  that  of  any  one.  His  church  pros- 
pered as  well  as  any  church  in  the  colony ;  its  leading 
lay  member,  Mr.  John  Haynes,  was  chosen  governor 
in  May,  1635,  on  which  occasion  he  signalized  his 
liberality  and  ability  alike  by  declining  the  usual 
salary  of  the  office.^  The  town  was  as  flourishing  as 
any  in  the  Bay,  its  tax  being  as  large  as  Boston's.^ 

But  all  along,  from  very  near  the  arrival  of  the 
"  Griffin's  "  company,  a  certain  uneasiness  manifested 
itself  in  respect  to  the  Newtown  people's  situation,  all 
the  causes  of  which  are  difficult  to  trace,  but  which 

1  Winthrop,  i.  188,  189.  2  ibid.  190. 

^  Colonial  Records,  i.   149. 


REMOVAL    TO   CONNECTICUT.  83 

culminated  at  last  in  the  removal  of  Mr.  Hooker  and 
nearly  the  entire  population  of  the  town  to  Hartford. 
Only  six  months  after  the  induction  of  Hooker  and 
Stone  into  their  offices  the  inhabitants  of  "  New- 
town complained  [May,  1634]  of  straitness  for  want 
of  land,  especially  meadow,  and  desired  leave  of  the 
court  to  look  out  either  for  enlargement  or  removal, 
which  was  granted ;  whereupon  they  sent  men  to  see 
Agawam  and  Merimack,  and  gave  out  that  they  would 
remove."  ^  But  apparently  the  Agawam  and  Mer- 
rimac  reconnoissance  was  not  satisfactory,  for  in  July 
following  they  sent  a  pioneer  party  of  six  to  Connec- 
ticut, *'  intending  to  remove  their  town  thither."  ^ 

In  September  the  matter  came  up  again  in  the 
General  Court.     Winthrop  gives  this  account  of  it :  ^ 

"September  4,  the  general  court  began  at  Newtown, 
and  continued  a  week,  and  then  was  adjourned  fourteen 
days.     Many  things  were  there  agitated  and  concluded. 

.  .  But  the  main  business,  which  spent  the  most  time, 
and  caused  the  adjourning  of  the  court,  was  about  the 
removal  of  Newtown.  They  had  leave,  the  last  general 
court,  to  look  out  some  place  for  enlargement  or  removal, 
with  promise  of  having  it  confirmed  to  them,  if  it  were 
not  prejudicial  to  any  other  plantation;  and  now  they 
moved  that  they  might  have  leave  to  remove  to  Connecti- 
cut. The  matter  was  debated  divers  days,  and  many 
reasons  alleged  pro  and  con.  The  principal  reasons  for 
their  removal  were,  i.  Their  want  of  accommodation  for 
their  cattle,  so  as  they  were  not  able  to  maintain  their 
ministers,  nor  could  receive  any  more  of  their  friends  to 

1  Winthrop,  i.  157-159.  ^  ibid.  162. 

3  Ibid.  166-169. 


84  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

help  them ;  and  here  it  was  alleged  by  Mr.  Hooker,  as  a 
fundamental  error,  that  towns  were  set  so  near  to  each 
other.  2.  The  fruitfulness  and  commodiousness  of  Con- 
necticut, and  the  danger  of  having  it  possessed  by  others, 
Dutch  or  English.  3.  The  strong  bent  of  their  spirits 
to  remove  thither. 

"Against  these  it  was  said,  i.  That,  in  point  of  con- 
science, they  ought  not  to  depart  from  us,  being  knit  to 
us  in  one  body,  and  bound  by  oath  to  seek  the  welfare  of 
this  commonwealth.  2.  That,  in  point  of  state  and  civil 
policy,  we  ought  not  to  give  them  leave  to  depart,  i. 
Being  we  were  now  weak  and  in  danger  to  be  assailed. 
2.  The  departure  of  Mr.  Hooker  would  not  only  draw 
many  from  us,  but  also  divert  other  friends  that  would 
come  to  us.  3.  We  should  expose  them  to  evident  peril, 
both  from  the  Dutch  (who  made  claim  to  the  same  river, 
and  had  already  built  a  fort  there)  and  from  the  Indians, 
and  also  from  our  own  state  at  home,  who  would  not 
endure  they  should  sit  down  without  a  patent  in  any 
place  which  our  king  lays  claim  unto.  3.  They  might 
be  accomodated  at  home  by  some  enlargement  which 
other  towns  offered.  4.  They  might  remove  to  Merri- 
mack, or  any  other  place  within  our  patent.  5.  The  remov- 
ing of  a  candlestick  is  a  great  judgement,  which  is  to  be 
avoided.  Upon  these  and  other  arguments  the  court  be- 
ing divided,  it  was  put  to  vote ;  and,  of  the  deputies,  fifteen 
were  for  their  departure,  and  ten  against  it.  The  gov- 
ernour  [Dudley]  and  two  assistants  were  for  it,  and  the 
deputy  and  all  the  rest  of  the  assistants  were  against  it, 
(except  the  secretary,  who  gave  no  vote  ;)  whereupon  no 
record  was  entered,  because  there  were  not  six  assistants 
in  the  vote,  as  the  patent  requires.  Upon  this  grew  a  ^reat 
difference  between  the  governour  and  assistants,  and  the 
deputies.  They  would  not  yield  the  assistants  a  negative 
voice,  and  the  others  (considering  how  dangerous  it  might 
be  to  the  commonwealth,  if  they  should  not  keep  that 


REMOVAL    TO  CONNECTICUT.  85 

strength  to  balance  the  greater  number  of  the  deputies) 
thought  it  safe  to  stand  upon  it.  So,  when  they  could 
proceed  no  farther,  the  whole  court  agreed  to  keep  a  day 
of  humiliation  to  seek  the  Lord,  which  accordingly  was 
done,  in  all  the  congregations,  the  iS*^^  day  of  this  month; 
and  the  24^^^  the  court  met  again.  Before  they  began 
Mr.  Cotton  preached,  (being  desired  by  all  the  court, 
upon  Mr.  Hooker's  instant  excuse  of  his  unfitness  for 
that  occasion).^  He  took  his  text  out  of  Hag.  II.  4,  etc., 
out  of  which  he  laid  down  the  nature  or  strength  (as  he 
termed  it)  of  the  magistracy,  ministry,  and  people,  viz.,  — 
the  strength  of  the  magistracy  to  be  their  authority;  of 
the  people,  their  liberty  ;  and  of  the  ministry,  their  purity; 
and  showed  how  all  of  these  had  a  negative  voice,  etc.,  and 
that  yet  the  ultimate  resolution,  etc.,  ought  to  be  in  the 
whole  body  of  the  people,  etc.,  with  answer  to  all  objec- 
tions, and  a  declaration  of  the  people's  duty  and  right  to 
maintain  their  true  liberties  against  any  unjust  violence, 
etc.,  which  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  company.  And 
it  pleased  the  Lord  so  to  assist  him,  and  to  bless  his  own 
ordinance,  that  the  affairs  of  the  court  went  on  cheerfully ; 
and  although  all  were  not  satisfied  about  the  negative 
voice  to  be  left  to  the  magistrates,  yet  no  man  moved 
aught  about  it,  and  the  congregation  of  Newtown  came 
and  accepted  of  such  enlargement  as  had  formerly  been 
offered  them  by  Boston  and  Watertown  ;  and  so  the  fear 
of  their  removal  to  Connecticut  was  removed." 

It  was  on  the  occasion  of  this  court  —  and  it  affords 
an  indication  of  the  excitement  of  the  parties  in 
interest  —  that  the  " very  reverend  and  godly"  Mr. 

1  As  being,  perhaps,  a  too  nearly  interested  party  in  the 
issue.  One  is  reminded,  however,  of  a  certain  nervousness 
which  seems  at  times  to  have  overborne  Mr.  Hooker,  of 
which  an  instance  is  recorded  later,  May,  1639. 


S6  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

William  Goodwin,  "  elder  of  the  congregation  of 
I'ewtown,"  was  reproved  for  his  **  unreverend  speech 
to  one  of  the  assistants"  in  open  court. 

Things  now  seemed  amicably  adjusted.  The 
enlargements  granted  to  Newtown  embraced  the  terri- 
tory now  known  as  the  towns  of  Brookline,  Brighton, 
Newton,  and  Arlington.  Making  every  allowance  for 
the  necessities  of  a  hundred  families,  even  of  an  agri- 
cultural and  cattle-raising  class,  this  territory  certainly 
seems  sufficient.  The  population  now  dwelling  on 
the  same  soil  is  upward  of  eighty  thousand.  But  the 
settlers  were  not  easy.  *^The  strong  bent  of  their 
spirits  to  remove  "  continued.  Some  cause  deeper 
than  any  lack  of  land  in  five  townships  to  pasture 
the  cattle  of  a  few  settlers  in  the  third  year  of  their 
arrival  must  have  impelled  to  this  restlessness.  What 
was  it? 

The  historian  Hubbard,  writing  within  fifty  years 
of  these  events,  and  while  people  still  lived  who  were 
personally  actors  in  them,  says  that  other  motives  than 
deficiency  of  land  did  "  more  secretly  and  powerfully 
drive  on  the  business."  "  Some  men,"  he  continues, 
"  do  not  well  like,  at  least,  cannot  well  bear,  to  be  op- 
posed in  their  judgments  and  notions,  and  thence  were 
they  not  unwilling  to  remove  from  under  the  power, 
as  well  as  out  of  the  bounds,  of  the  Massachusetts."  ^ 
'*  Two  such  eminent  stars,  such  as  were  Mr.  Cotton 
and  Mr.  Hooker,  both  of  the  first  magnitude,  though 
of  differing  influence,  could  not  well  continue  in  one 
and  the  same  orb."  ^  Dr.  Benjamin  Trumbull,  in 
1  General  History,  pp.  305,  306.  2  ibid.  173. 


REMOVAL    TO   CONNECTICUT.  87 

speaking  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Haynes,  intimates  that 
considerations  arising  from  the  relative  influence  of 
Haynes  and  Winthrop  were  not  without  weight.  Mr. 
Haynes,  he  says,  "  was  not  considered,  in  any  respect, 
inferior  to  Governor  Winthrop.  His  growing  popu- 
larity, and  the  fame  of  Mr.  Hooker,  who,  as  to 
strength  of  genius,  and  his  lively  and  powerful  man- 
ner of  preaching,  rivalled  Mr.  Cotton,  were  supposed 
to  have  no  small  influence  upon  the  general  court,  in 
their  granting  liberty  to  Mr.  Hooker  and  his  com- 
pany to  remove  to  Connecticut."  1 

Some  excellent  writers  have  seemed  quite  unwilling 
to  recognize  in  the  actors  in  these  events  any  such 
feelings,  uttered  or  unexpressed,  as  are  suggested  in 
these  statements  of  Hubbard  and  Trumbull.  But 
nothing  could  be  more  natural,  and  few  things  are 
more  probable. 

Nevertheless  the  existence  of  such  feelings,  sup- 
posing them  to  exist,  had  doubtless  their  origin  and 
occasion  in  matters  lying  deeper  than  merely  personal 
ones.  It  seems  clear  that  on  certain  important 
administrative  questions  the  people  who  surrounded 
Mr.  Hooker  entertained  different  convictions  from 
those  prevalent  in  the  Bay  counsels  generally.  The  Bay 
settlement  was  a  distinctly  theocratic  society,  in  which 
civil  franchise  was  contingent  on  church-membership. 
When  Hooker  arrived  in  Newtown,  though  the  popu- 
lation of  the  colony  was  numbered  by  the  thousands, 
the  freemen  of  it  were  only  about  three  hundred  and 
fifty .^  The  principle  of  a  state-church  which  Puritans 
1  Trumbull,  i.  216.  2  Palfrey,  i.  383. 


88       LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

had  suffered  from  so  much  at  home  was,  in  fact,  re- 
established by  them  in  the  new  land.^  This  contin- 
gency of  civil  privileges  on  church-connection  was 
never  adopted  in  the  Connecticut  Colony ;  and  whether 
openly  objected  to  or  not  by  the  men  who  founded 
Connecticut  while  yet  they  remained  in  Massachu- 
setts, there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  inwardly 
disapproved. )  Strong  evidence  that  this  question  had 
its  influence,  as  well  as  of  Mr.  Hooker's  attitude 
upon  it,  remains  in  a  letter  written  to  Rev.  John  Wilson 
from  England  in  the  early  spring  after  the  removal 
to  Connecticut  had  taken  place,  in  which  the  writer 
speaks  of  having  heard  "That  ther  is  great  diuision 
of  judgment  in  matters  of  religion  amongst  good 
ministers  &  people  which  moued  Mr.  Hoker  to  re- 
moue ; "  and  "  That  you  are  so  strict  in  admission 
of  members  to  your  church,  that  more  then  halfe  are 
out  of  your  church  in  all  your  congregations,  &  that 
Mt.  Hoker  befor  he  went  away  preached  against  y* 
(as  one  Reports  who  hard  him)."^ 

With  a  difference  of  judgment  in  a  matter  so  funda- 
mental, other  differences  easily  allied  themselves.  A 
distinct  diversity  of  conception  of  the  "  authority  of 
the  magistrates  "  was  clearly  developed  at  the  Court 
of  September,  1634,  between  the  Newtown  party  and 
the    party   opposed   to  removal.^      Open    and   free 

*  Palfrey,  i.  447.  See  also  Doyle's  English  in  America,  i. 
146,  147,  191- 

'^  Rev.  R.  Stansby  to  John  Wilson,  April  17,  1637  :  4  Mass. 
Hist.  C®11.,  vii.  10,  II. 

8  Winthrop,  i.  169;  Hubbard,  pp.  165,  166. 


%y 


REMOVAL    TO   CONNECTICUT.  89 

disagreement  between  Mr.  Haynes  and  Governor 
Winthrop  as  to  administrative  policy  found  expression 
in  January,  1636,  and  had  been  taken  cognizance  of 
by  all  the  ministers  and  magistrates,  who  had  put 
themselves  on  one  side  or  other  of  the  point  in  debate. 
Add  to  this  the  danger  impending  that  the  charter  of 
the  colony  might  be  withdrawn,  and  there  seem  to 
be  ample  grounds  for  believing  that  Mr.  Haynes  and 
Mr.  Goodwin  and  the  leading  laymen  of  Newtown 
felt  that  they  would  be  more  comfortable  under  an 
administration  of  their  own,  in  some  other  quarter  of 
the  boundless  new  land. 

Nor  is  it  improbable  that  Mr.  Hooker  shared  the 
feeling  on  personal  as  well  as  political  grounds. 
Before  he  left  England  overtures  had  been  made  by 
his  friends,  acting  at  Mr.  Hooker's  motion,^  to  secure 
Mr.  Cotton  as  colleague  with  him  in  the  proposed 
enterprise  to  America.  The  overture  was  declined. 
But  on  the  arrival  together  in  the  new  country  of 
the  two  old  acquaintances  —  and  doubtless  always 
friends  —  the  colony  seems  to  have  been  thrown  into 
a  kind  of  ferment  as  to  the  proper  disposal  of  Mr. 
Cotton.  Thirteen  days  after  he  landed  the  Governor 
and  Council  and  all  the  ministers  were  called  together 
"  to  consider  about  Mr.  Cotton  his  sitting  down."  ^ 
Boston  was  fixed  on  as  the  "fittest  place;  "  and  it 
was  first  agreed  that  the  payment  for  his  weekly 
lectures  should  be  out  of  the  public  treasury.  This 
resolve  was  presently  revoked  as  being  invidious  in  its 
discrimination,  but  it  indicates  the  feeling  of  the  hour. 
1  Magnalia,  i.  393.  ^  Winthrop,  i.  133. 


90  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Established  thus  with  the  acclaim  of  the  magistracy 
and  of  the  people  in  the  central  point  of  ecclesiastical 
influence  in  the  colony,  the  great  abilities  and  tireless 
industry  of  Mr.  Cotton  pervaded  everything.  "  What- 
ever he  delivered  in  the  pulpit  was  soon  put  into  an 
Order  of  Court,  if  of  a  civil,  or  set  up  as  a  practice  in 
the  church,  if  of  an  ecclesiastical  concernment."  ^ 
And  Mr.  Cotton's  political  deliverances  were  generally 
on  the  side  of  authority  and  permanency  in  the  magis- 
tracy ;  a  side  to  which  the  general  tendencies  of  the 
Newtown  pastor's  mind  did  not  equally  lead  him. 
On  the  critical  occasion  of  the  hearing  before  the 
Court  in  September,  1634,  of  the  great  question  of  the 
removal  —  when  Mr.  Hooker  somewhat  unaccount- 
ably excused  himself  from  preaching  on  the  issues 
raised  by  the  Newtown  proposal  —  Mr.  Cotton's  effort 
apparently  settled  the  business  on  the  side  of  the 
Assistants,  and  adversely  to  the  Newtown  party. 

So  that  on  the  whole  it  is  neither  strange  nor  at 
all  discreditable,  that  the  Newtown  company  should 
have  thought  themselves  likely  to  be  happier  and 
more  useful  in  some  other  settlement  than  that  to 
which  the  Court  had  ordered  .them  in  1632.  Con- 
scious of  the  possession  of  laymen  as  able  as  any  in 
the  colony,  and  of  a  minister  of  as  great  qualities  as 
any  other,  their  *'  strong  bent "  to  remove  continued, 
and  finally  prevailed. 

Some  of  them  apparently  went  to  Connecticut 
before  September,  1635  ;  for  on  the  3d  of  that  month 
William  Westwood  was  "  sworn  Constable  of  the  plan- 

1  Hubbard,  p.  182. 


REMOVAL    TO   CONNECTICUT.  9 1 

tations  at  Connecticut  till  some  other  be  chosen,"  ^  — 
a  procedure  hardly  reconcilable  with  the  theory 
maintained  in  the  arguments  before  the  Court  in 
September  previous  that  the  settlers  there  would 
be  without  the  Massachusetts  patent.^  Others  soon 
followed.  These  settlers  of  1635  suffered  immense 
hardships  along  the  banks  of  the  great  river,  which 
froze  over  that  season  by  the  15  th  of  November. 
Famine  and  cold  seemed  to  conspire  against  the 
enterprise.  Cattle  died  ;  the  people  had  to  resort  to 
acorns  for  food.  Except  for  the  succour  afforded  by 
Indians,  many  must  have  perished.^ 

But  these  hardships  were  not  to  deter  the  main 
body  of  the  Newtown  pilgrims ;  when  spring  came 
again,  the  rest  of  the  company  were  ready  for  flight. 

Fortunately  the  arrival,  the  autumn  previous,  of  a 
large  number  of  immigrants  into  the  Bay,  and  the 
gathering  of  a  considerable  part  of  them  into  church- 
relationship  under  the  pastoral  care  of  Rev.  Thomas 
Shepard  on  the  ist  of  February,  1636,  enabled  the 
Newtown  people  to  sell  their  houses  to  the  new- 
comers. On  the  3d  of  March,  1636,  John  Steele 
and  William  Westwood  were  appointed  among  the 
eight  commissioners  empowered  by  Massachusetts  to 
"govern  the  people  at  Connecticutt."  These  com- 
missioners were  either  then  in  Connecticut  or  speedily 
after,  as  five  of  them,  including  Steele  and  Westwood, 
held  a  "  Corte  .  .  .  att  Newton  [Hartford]  26  Apr. 
1636."  4 

1  Mass.  Col.  Rec,  i.  159.  2  Winthrop,  i.  167. 

8  Trumbull's  Connecticut,  i.  62,63. 

*  Conn.  Col.  Rec ,  i.,  preface  iii,  and  note,  text^p.  i. 


^2  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

The  31  St  of  May  saw  the  emigrants  upon  their 
journey.  It  is  the  season  of  the  year  in  our  New 
England  cUmate  when  the  billowy  expanses  of  our 
^  forests  are  bursting  into  leaf,  and  each  day  marks 
a  visible  deepening  of  colour  and  density  in  the  land- 
scape verdure.  The  streams  run  full  with  the  newly 
melted  snows  of  winter.  The  ground  is  spotted 
with  the  anemone  and  wild  violet.  In  the  marshy 
places  glow  the  adder-tongue  and  the  cowslip.  The 
season  is  alive  with  promise ;  but  the  nights,  though 
short,  are  damp  and  chill. 

The  Newtown  pilgrims  struck  out  into  the  almost 
pathless  woods.  Only  a  few  miles  from  their  place  of 
brief  habitation,  and  they  were  in  a  wilderness  marked 
only  by  signs  of  Indian  trails.  Evening  by  evening 
they  made  camp  and  slept,  guarded  and  sentinelled, 
by  forest  fires.  One  of  their  number,  Mrs.  Hooker,  the 
pastor's  wife,  was  carried  on  a  Htter  because  of  her 
infirmity.  It  was  a  picturesque  but  an  arduous  pil- 
grimage. Men  and  women  of  refinement  and  deli- 
cate breeding  turned  explorers  of  primeval  forests  in 
search  of  a  wilderness  home.  The  lowing  of  a  hun- 
dred and  sixty  cattle  sounding  through  the  forest 
aisles,  not  to  mention  the  bleating  of  goats  and  the 
squealing  of  swine,  summoned  them  to  each  morning's 
advance.  The  day  began  and  ended  with  the  voice 
of  prayer  and  perhaps  of  song.  At  some  point  on 
their  fortnight's  journey  a  Sabbath  must  have  inter- 
vened, when  of  course  the  camp  remained  still  for 
worship  in  the  wilderness.  Their  toilsome  and 
devious  way  led  them  probably  by  the   route  which 


REMOVAL    TO   CONNECTICUT.  93 

came  to  be  known  as  the  "old  Connecticut  path," 
through  what  were  afterward  the  towns  of  Framing - 
ham  and  Dudley  and  Woodstock ;  the  same  route 
by  which  the  roving  Oldham  went  in  1633,  when  he 
lodged  in  "  Indian  towns  all  the  way."  Reaching  at 
some  uncertain  point  the  wide,  full  Connecticut, 
flowing  then  with  larger  tide  than  now,  and  swollen 
with  its  northern  snows,  the  travellers  crossed  on 
rafts  and  rudely  constructed  boats ;  and  on  the  spot 
where  Hartford  now  lifts  its  stately  edifices  of  worship 
and  of  trade,  and  cheered  by  the  sight  of  some  pioneer 
attempts  at  habitation  and  settlement  made  the  season 
previous,  "  Mr.  Hooker's  company  "  rested,  and  the 
ark  of  the  church  stood  still. 


94  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 


CHAPTER   VI. 

HOOKER  IN  CONNECTICUT. 

Section  I. 

The  light  of  the  western  churches. 

Magnalia,  i.  303. 

The  spot  on  which  the  Newtown  pilgrims  arrived 
was  claimed  by  three  different  parties,  —  the  Dutch, 
the  Plymouth  Colony,  and  the  Indians.  The  Dutch 
had  built  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  "  Little  River," 
which  here  flows  into  the  Connecticut,  and  laid  claim 
to  the  surrounding  territory.  The  Plymouth  people 
held  that  the  region  belonged  to  them,  and  resented 
the  intrusion  upon  it  of  Massachusetts  emigrants. 
The  matter  was  made  the  subject  of  sharp  corre- 
spondence between  the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth 
authorities,!  especially  in  connection  with  the  occu- 
pancy of  the  territory  in  the  township  of  Windsor, 
next  north  of  Hartford,  which  was  taken  possession 
of  by  the  Dorchester  people,  notwithstanding  the 
Plymouth  colonists  had  a  trading-house  there.  The 
Plymouth  people  indeed  regarded  the  settlement  of 
the  three  towns  of  Windsor,  Hartford,  and  Wethers- 
field  as  a  trespass  upon  their  territory,  —  a  view  which 
the  declinature  of  the  Massachusetts  government  to 

1  Bradford,  pp  338-342. 


IN  CONNECTICUT,  95 

unite  with  Plymouth  in  erecting  a  plantation  there 
three  years  before ;  its  assent  that  Plymouth  do  it 
alone/  and  the  objections  made  in  the  General  Court 
to  the  Kewtown  people's  removal  as  being  to  a  place 
outside  of  the  Massachusetts  patent,^  tended  certainly 
to  confirm.  The  "  controversie,"  Bradford  says, 
*' ended,  but  the  unkindnes  not  so  soone  forgotten."  3 

The  Dutch  claims  to  the  territory  seem  to  have 
been  intentionally  and  deliberately  ignored.  Not  so 
the  Indians'.  Agents  of  the  Newtown  company  were 
employed  to  purchase  the  ground  ;  Rev.  Samuel  Stone 
and  Elder  William  Goodwin  being  the  persons  desig- 
nated for  the  purpose.  The  territory  embraced  in 
this  purchase  was  about  coincident  with  that  subse- 
quently known  as  the  township  of  Hartford.  The 
portions  needed  for  the  immediate  uses  of  the  little 
settlement  were  parcelled  out  in  lots  of  about  two 
acres  each,  those  of  Mr.  Haynes,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr. 
Stone,  and  Mr.  William  Goodwin  being  side  by  side 
on  the  banks  of  the  Little  River,  flowing  then  a  sweet 
and  healthful  stream  through  the  town. 

A  church-building  —  not  taking  account  of  a  tem- 
porary structure  soon  abandoned  and  given  to  Mr. 
Hooker  as  a  barn  —  destined  for  ninety-nine  years  to 
serve  the  religious  and  political  uses  of  the  commun- 
ity was  built  in  what  was  called  Meeting- House  Yard, 
a  tract  of  ground  covering  a  somewhat  larger  extent 
than  that  now  known  as  Old  State- House  Square. 
Near  to  the  meeting-house  were  various  other  then 

1  Winthrop,  i.  216.  2  Ante,  p.  84. 

8  Bradford,  p.  342 ;  Doyle,  i.  207,  208. 


96  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

supposed  necessary  adjuncts  to  communitary  welfare, 
—  the  stocks,  the  pillory,  and  the  whipping- post,  as  well 
as  the  market  and  the  jail.  The  usual  time  for  put- 
ting the  first  three  named  of  these  adjuncts  of  civiliza- 
tion into  use  was  Lecture-day,  when  the  warnings 
against  wrong-doing  uttered  in  the  meeting-house  could 
receive  practical  illustration  just  outside.  Thus  while 
Mr.  Hooker  or  Mr.  Stone  was  expounding  morality  in 
the  church-edifice,  one  might  have  seen  the  carrying 
into  effect  of  some  one,  among  other,  of  the  following 
sentences  :  ^  — 

"  Nicholas  Olmsteed  .  .  .  [is]  to  stand  vppon  the  Pil- 
lery  at  Hartford  the  next  lecture  day  dureing  the  time  of 
the  lecture.  He  is  to  be  sett  on,  a  lytle  before  the  begin- 
ing  &  to  stay  thereon  a  litle  after  the  end." 

"  Walter  Gray,  for  his  misdemeanor  in  laboring  to 
inueagle  the  affections  of  Mr.  Hoockers  mayde,  is  to  be 
publiquely  corrected  the  next  lecture  day." 

"  Susan  Coles,  for  her  rebellious  cariedge  toward  her 
mistris,  is  to  be  sent  to  the  howse  of  correction  and  be 
keept  to  hard  labour  &  course  dyet,  to  be  brought  forth 
the  next  lecture  day  to  be  publiquely  corrected,  and  so 
to  be  corrected  weekley  vntil  Order  be  giuen  to  the 
contrary." 

Not  far  distant  from  the  church-edifice  was  the  first 
burying-ground  of  the  little  community.  It  was  soon 
abandoned  however,  its  stones  removed,  and  even 
the  soil  graded  away,  so  that  no  trace  of  it  has  re- 
mained for  two  hundred  years. 

Some  structures  like  sentinel  towers  or  palisadoes 

1  Conn.  Col.  Rec,  i.  50,  124. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  97 

protected  the  remoter  portions  of  the  village  from 
surprise ;  while  within  the  appointed  precincts  the 
people  built  their  houses,  shops,  and  mills,  and  re- 
peated again  substantially  the  pioneer  experiences 
they  had  gone  through  three  years  before  m  their 
Massachusetts  home,  only  this  time  with  probably 
more  carefulness  of  provision  against  danger,  as 
being  more  isolated  from  support  and  deeper  in  the 
wilderness. 

The  original  government  of  the  three  communities 
grouped  within  a  few  miles  along  the  Connecticut  had 
been  a  commission  appointed  by  Massachusetts.  But 
this  provisional  condition  of  things  did  not  even  nom- 
inally much  survive  the  year  of  its  creation.  The 
claim  to  jurisdiction  over  the  territory  implied  in  such 
an  appointment  was  too  doubtful,  and  the  spirit  of 
independence  in  the  three  settlements  themselves  was 
too  strong  to  allow  the  continuance  of  such  an  ar- 
rangement. Accordingly,  on  the  first  day  of  May, 
1637,  there  was  held  a  *'Gen''all  Corte  att  Harte- 
ford,"  ^  —  so  named  in  honour  of  Mr.  Stone's  birth- 
place in  England,  —  and  formal,  local  and  popular  ^ 
government  of  the  Connecticut  plantations  was  estab- 
lished. The  first  recorded  act  of  this  new  constituted 
popular  government  was  a  declaration  of  "  offensiue 
warr  ag*  the  Pequoitt,"  and  a  levy  of  ninety  men  to 
fight  them.  Hartford  was  called  on  for  forty-two 
men,  Windsor  for  thirty,  and  Wethersfield  for  eighteen. 

1  Conn.  Col.  Rec,  i.  9. 

2  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  i,  13,  18 :  Hooker's  letter 
and  Trumbull's  note. 

7 


93        LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

The  occasion  was  what  seemed  likely  to  be  a  general 
combination  of  the  Indian  tribes  for  the  white  men's 
extirpation.  In  February  previous  several  men  had 
been  killed  by  the  Indians  at  Saybrook.  A  little 
later,  three  men  going  down  the  river  in  a  shallop  were 
mutilated,  their  bodies  cut  open  and  hung  on  trees 
by  the  river-side.  In  April  six  men  and  three  women 
at  Wethersfield  had  been  killed,  and  two  girls  carried 
captive.  Thirty  Connecticut  dwellers  had  lost  their 
lives,  some  of  them  with  barbaric  tortures.  No  In- 
dian historian  has  recorded  for  us  the  provocations 
which  led  these  poor  savages  to  their  cruel  revenges ; 
but  whatever  their  provocation  —  and  some  certainly 
they  had  ^  —  the  matter  had  now  perhaps  reached  a 
stage  too  late  for  anything  but  war. 

At  any  rate,  the  white  people  thought  so.  Capt. 
John  Mason,  of  Windsor,  commanded  the  little  army ; 
Mr.  Stone,  the  Teacher  of  the  Hartford  church,  went 
with  the  soldiers  as  their  chaplain ;  and  before  they 
started  Mr.  Hooker,  the  Pastor,  made  them  an  ad- 
dress in  which  he  uttered  the  encouraging  declaration 
"  that  the  Pequots  should  be  bread  for  them."  ^  A 
letter  of  Mr.  Hooker  to  Governor  Winthrop,  written 
after  the  expedition  had  started  and  before  its  result 
was  known,  gives  a  little  light  on  the  impelling  causes 
of  the  war : ^  — 

1  Lathrop's  Centenary  Sermon  at  West  Springfield,  1796, 
pp.  23,  24. 

■■2  Mason's  Brief  History,  in  Mather's  Early  History,  Drake's 
ed.,  p   121. 

3  4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vi.  388,  389. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  99 

"  Though  we  feele  nether  the  tyme  nor  our  strenght 
fitt  for  such  a  service,  yet  the  Indians  here,  our  frends, 
werr  so  importunate  with  vs  to  make  warr  jDresently,  that 
vnlesse  we  had  attempted  to  do  something,  we  had  deliv- 
ered our  persons  vnto  contempt  of  base  feare  &  cowardise, 
&  caused  them  to  turne  enemyes  agaynst  vs.  Agaynst 
our  mynds,  being  constrayned  by  necessity  we  have  sent 
out  a  company  taking  some  Indians  for  guides  with  vs." 

But   that  it   was    not  humanitarian  sentiment  which 
caused  hesitation  is  plain  from  what  follows :  — 

"  I  hope  you  see  a  necessity  to  hasten  execution  &  not 
to  do  this  work  of  the  Lords  revenge  slackly." 

The  story  is  a  familiar  one  of  the  courageous  at- 
tack, May  26,  on  the  Pequot  fort  eight  miles 
northeast  of  where  is  now  New  London,  in  which 
several  hundred  Indians  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages 
were  killed  by  sword  and  bullet  and  fire  in  about  an 
hour's  time.  It  was  hardly  a  characteristic  piece  of 
church-work,  yet  it  is  probable  that  the  victors  were 
nearly  to  a  man  church- members  ;  and  the  whole  en- 
terprise was  apparently  backed  by  perfect  faith  not 
alone  in  its  necessity  but  its  propriety.  And  in  cele- 
brating the  victory  stout  John  Mason  says  :  ^  — 

"  It  may  not  be  amiss  here  also  to  remember  Mr. 
Stone  (the  famous  Teacher  of  the  Church  of  Hartford) 
who  was  sent  to  preach  and  pray  with  those  who  went 
out  in  those  Engagements  against  the  Pequots.  He  lent 
his  best  Assistance  and  Counsel  in  the  Management  of 

^  Mason's  Brief  History,  in  Mather's  Early  History,  Drake's 
ed.,  p.  157. 


lOO  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

those  Designs,  and  the  Night  in  which  the  Engagement 
was,  (in  the  morning  of  it)  I  say  that  Night  he  was  with 
the  Lord  alone,  wrestling  with  Him  by  Faith  and  Prayer, 
and  surely  his  Prayers  prevailed  for  a  blessing ;  and  in  the 
very  Time  when  our  Israel  was  ingaging  with  the  bloud- 
thirsty  Pequots,  he  was  in  the  Top  of  the  Mount,  and  so 
held  up  his  Hand  that  Israel  prevailed." 

This,  done  in  self-defence  and  apparent  necessity, 
is  probably  quite  as  justifiable  as  most  of  the  wars  of 
our  ancestors  with  the  Indians ;  but  it  a  little  revolts 
our  feelings  to  find  Mr.  Ludlow,  the  lawyer  of  the 
colony,  and  Mr.  Pyncheon,  soon  to  be  the  author  of 
a  book,  far  in  advance  of  his  age,  on  the  "  Meritorious 
Price  of  our  Redemption,"  carrying  to  Boston  a  part 
of  the  skin  and  scalps  of  the  vanquished  "  Sassacus 
and  his  brother,  and  five  other  Pequot  sachems,  who, 
being  fled  to  the  Mohawks  for  shelter  .  .  .  were 
by  them  surprised  and  slain."  ^  Even  in  that  hard 
age  there  was  one  man,  Roger  Williams,  humane 
enough  to  say  of  it :  ^  "  Those  Dead  Hands  were  no 
pleasing  sight.  ...  I  have  alwaies  showne  Dislike  to 
such  dismembering  the  Dead,"  —  a  sentiment  the 
cherishing  and  utterance  of  which  goes  far  to  offset 
the  estimate  of  the  eccentric  man  necessarily  result- 
ing from  the  facts  mentioned  in  the  last  chapter  con- 
cerning him.  And  when  it  is  remembered  that  the 
very  next  spring  following  the  slaughter  of  this  Pequot 
tribe  and  conveyance  of  scalps  and  skins  to  Boston, 
the  settlements  along  the  river  were  saved  from  what 

1  Winthrop,  i.  281. 

2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  xxxvi.  207. 


IN  CONNECTICUT,  lOl 

threatened  to  be  a  fatal  famine  by  the  purchase  of 
"  so  much  Corn  at  reasonable  Rates  "  of  the  Indians 
at  Deeriield,  "  that  the  Indians  brought  down  to  Hart- 
ford and  Windsor  fifty  Canoes  laden  with  Corn  at  one 
Time,"  ^  one  wonders  whether  even  then  a  better  use 
might  not  have  been  made  of  the  native  proprietors 
of  the  soil  than  shooting  and  burning  them. 

This  aid  from  Indian  sources,  together  with  the 
safe  arrival  of  a  vessel  from  Boston  bringing  the  im- 
portant reinforcement  to  the  colony  of  Mr.  Edward 
Hopkins  and  his  associates,  was  made  a  topic  of  obser- 
vation in  a  Thanksgiving  sermon  by  Mr.  Hooker, 
on  Oct.  4,  1638,  from  the  text  i  Sam.  vii.  12  : 
"  Then  Samuel  took  a  stone,  and  set  it  up  between 
Mizpeh  and  Shen,  and  called  the  name  of  it  Ebenezer, 
saying,  Hitherto  hath  the  Lord  helped  us."  ^  In  the 
course  of  the  sermon  Mr.  Hooker  said  :  — 

"  It  was  a  sad,  sharp  winter  with  us  in  these  western 
parts,  that  many  lost  their  lives,  not  only  cattle,  but  men. 
But  the  Lord  delivered  us.  Men  concluded  it,  many 
affirmed  it,  never  any  vessel  came  to  these  parts ;  but 
the  Lord  brought  it  safe.  Nay,  if  you  had  heard  what  a 
battle  of  men's  tongues  there  was  against  it;    why,  the 

1  Drake's  Mather's  Early  New  England,  p.  158. 

^  The  sermon  was  transcribed  by  Deacon  Matthew  Grant,  of 
Windsor,  possibly  from  Mr.  Hooker's  notes  and  possibly  from 
shorthand  notes  of  the  discourse  taken  by  himself.  A  portion 
of  his  painfully  difficult  manuscript  was  copied  by  Dr.  J.  H. 
Trumbull  and  published  in  the  "  Hartford  Evening  Press," 
Nov.  28,  i860,  from  which  the  extracts  given  in  the  text  are 
taken.  The  broken  and  cjaculatory  character  of  the  rhetoric 
doubtless  indicates  the  imperfect  quality  of  the  reporting. 


I02  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

merchant  that  brought  it,  the  master  that  guided  it,  the 
passengers  that  freighted  it,  it  was  the  Lord,  brethren, 
that  brought  it,  it  was  the  Lord  that  guided  it ;  and  truly, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  Lord  we  might  have  perished. 
Yea,  we  might  have  perished  for  want ;  but  the  Lord  sent 
us,  as  it  were,  drink  out  of  the  rock  and  meat  from  the 
ravens,  —  the  Indians,  that  they  should  bring  provision 
and  leave  it  here;  it  was  the  Lord  that  brought  it!  That 
a  company  of  poor  men  should  with  a  boat  fall  upon  such 
a  place,  and  then  prepare  for  others  coming,  —  it  was  the 
Lord  that  did  it !  If  anything  could  have  hindered,  either 
by  truth  or  falsehood,  to  keep  men  from  coming  to  these 
parts  hitherto,  it  had  been  done  ;  but  yet,  notwithstanding, 
men's  minds  informed,  their  consciences  convicted,  their 
hearts  persuaded  to  come  and  to  plant.  It  is  the  Lord's 
doing,  because  his  mercy  endureth  forever! 

"The  time  unseasonable,  the  winter  hard,  the  corn 
grown  not,  —  we  could  not  expect  but  that  the  hand  of 
the  Lord  was  gone  out  against  us;  and  truly,  it  may  be  it 
was  so.  O,  it  was  because  the  mercy  of  the  Lord  endur- 
eth forever,  that  the  Lord  hath  preserved  us,  —  against 
the  malice  of  devils,  the  envy  of  men,  and  the  perverse- 
ness  of  those  which  seemed  to  fear  God.  .  .  .  Let  us, 
when  we  have  seen  the  Lord  in  all,  —  the  Lord  in  the 
sending  of  the  ship  and  we  not  aware  of  it,  —  the  Lord  in 
bringing  us  safe,  in  giving  us  provisions  .  .  .  labour  to 
have  a  heart  more  near  unto  Him,  more  endeared  unto 
Him.  In  all  those  dealings  of  His,  every  expression  of 
God's  providence,  it  should  have  a  touch  or  a  turn,  as  it 
were,  upon  the  soul  to  draw  the  heart  toward  him." 

In  these  extracts  Mr.  Hooker  distinctly  indicates 
his  belief — a  belief  which  doubtless  his  hearers 
entertained  with  him  —  that  the  authorities  in  Massa- 
chusetts discouraged  emigration  to  Connecticut,  and 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  1 03 

misrepresented  the  condition  of  things  in  the  new 
settlement  to  deter  people  from  coming.  The  same 
view  of  the  attitude  of  the  Massachusetts  men  comes 
out  in  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  Hooker  to  Governor 
Winthrop  just  about  the  time  this  sermon  was 
preached.     In  this  letter  ^  Mr.  Hooker  says  :  — 

"  Before  I  express  my  observations,  I  must  profess,  by 
way  of  preface,  that  what  I  shall  write  are  not  forged 
imaginations  and  suppositions  coined  out  of  men's  con- 
ceits, but  that  which  is  reported,  cried  openly,  and  car- 
ried by  sea  and  land :  secondly,  my  aim  is  not  at  any 
person,  nor  intendment  to  charge  any  particular,  with 
you ;  because  it  is  the  common  trade,  that  is  driven 
amongst  multitudes  with  you,  and  with  which  the  heads 
and  hearts  of  passengers  come  loaded  hither,  and  that 
with  grief  and  wonderment.  And  the  conclusion  which 
is  aimed  at  from  these  reproaches  and  practices  is  this, 
that  we  are  a  forlorn  people,  not  worthy  to  be  succoured 
with  company,  and  so  neither  with  support. 

"  I  will  particularize.  If  inquiry  be,  what  be  the  peo- 
ple at  Connecticut .''  the  reply  is,  Alas,  poor  rash-headed 
creatures,  they  rushed  into  a  war  with  the  heathen  ;  and? 
had  not  we  rescued  them,  at  so  many  hundred  charges, 
they  had  been  utterly  undone.  In  all  which,  you  know 
there  is  not  a  true  sentence :  for  we  did  not  rush  into  the 
war;  and  the  Lord  himself  did  rescue,  before  friends. 

"  If,  after  much  search  for  the  settling  of  people,  and 
nothing  suitable  found  to  their  desires,  but  toward  Con- 
necticut; if  yet  then  they  will  needs  go  from  the  Bay,  go 
any  whither,  be  anywhere,  choose  any  place,  any  patent  — 

^  Transcribed  from  the  Massachusetts  archives  in  the 
Secretary's  office  at  Boston,  by  Dr.  J.  H.  Trumbull,  and  pub- 
lished in  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society  Collections,  i. 
1-18,  with  notes. 


104      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Narragansett,  Plymouth,  —  only  go  not  to  Connecticut. 
We  hear  and  bear. 

"  Immediately  after  winter,  because  there  was  likeli- 
hood multitudes  would  come  over,  and  lest  any  should 
desire  to  come  hither,  then  there  is  a  lamentable  cry  raised, 
that  all  their  cows  at  Connecticut  are  dead,  and  that  I 
had  lost  nine  and  only  one  left,  and  that  was  not  likely 
to  live,  (when  I  never  had  but  eight,  and  they  never  did 
better  than  the  last  winter.)     We  hear  still,  and  bear. 

"And  lest  haply  some  men  should  be  encouraged  to 
come  because  of  my  subsistence  or  continuance  here, 
then  the  rumour  is  noised,  that  I  am  weary  of  my  station  ; 
or  if  I  did  know  whither  to  go,  or  my  people  what  way 
to  take,  we  would  never  abide :  whereas  such  impudent 
forgery  is  scant  found  in  hell ;  for  I  profess  I  know  not  a 
member  in  my  congregation  but  sits  down  well  apayd 
with  his  portion,  and  for  myself,  I  have  said  what  now 
I  write,  if  I  was  to  choose,  I  would  be  where  I  am. 

"  But  notwithstanding  all  this,  the  matter  is  not  sure,  and 
there  is  some  fear  that  some  men  will  come  toward  Con- 
necticut when  ships  come  over;  either  some  have  related 
the  nature  of  the  place,  or  some  friends  invited  them  ;  and 
therefore  care  must  be  taken,  and  is  by  this  generation, 
as  soon  as  any  ship  arrives,  that  persons  haste  presently 
to  board  them,  and  when  no  occasion  is  offered,  or  ques- 
tion propounded  for  Connecticut,  then  their  pity  to  their 
countrjmien  is  such  that  they  cannot  but  speak  the  truth : 
Alas,  do  you  think  to  go  to  Connecticut?  Why,  do  you 
long  to  be  undone  ?  If  you  do  not,  bless  yourself  from 
thence;  their  upland  will  bear  no  corn,  their  meadows 
nothing  but  weeds,  and  the  people  are  almost  all  starved. 
Still  we  hear,  and  bear. 

"  But  may  be  these  sudden  expressions  will  be  taken 
as  words  of  course,  and  therefore  vanish  away  when  once 
spoken.  Let  it  therefore  be  provided  that  the  innkeepers 
entertain  their  guests  with  invectives  against  Connecticut, 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  1 05 

and  those  are  set  on  with  the  salt,  and  go  off  with  the 
voyder.  If  any  hear  and  stay,  then  they  be  welcomed ;  but 
if  these  reports  cannot  stop  a  man's  proceeding,  from  mak- 
ing trial,  they  look  at  him  as  a  Turk,  or  as  a  man  scant 
worthy  to  live.     Still  we  hear,  and  bear. 

"  I  suppose  you  are  not  a  stranger  only  in  Israel,  nor 
yet  usually  ignorant  of  these  things,  being  they  are  not 
done  in  a  corner,  but  in  open  streets,  and  not  by  some 
frantic,  forlorn  creatures,  or  madmen,  who  know  not  nor 
care  what  they  say;  but,  before  the  ships  can  come  to 
anchor,  whole  boats  are  presently  posted  out  to  salute 
persons,  ordinarily,  with  such  relations.  The  daily  ex- 
pressions of  passengers  report  these,  with  much  grief  of 
spirit,  and  wonder  such  wretched  falsehoods  should  be 
suffered  amongst  Christians." 

It  is  altogether  probable  that  there  was  considerable 
ground  for  this  impeachment  by  Mr.  Hooker  of  the 
attitude  of  the  Massachusetts  people  toward  the  new 
settlements  in  Connecticut.  The  coming  away  had  not 
been  without  friction,  and  the  views  of  the  Connecticut 
people  as  to  the  proper  management  of  public  affairs 
differed  in  some  important  particulars  from  the  views 
of  those  who  controlled  in  Massachusetts.  Still  the 
reply  of  Winthrop  —  of  which,  however,  only  an  im- 
perfect first  draft  on  the  back  of  another  document  is 
preserved  ^  —  shows  that  he  regarded  the  representa- 
tions made  by  his  reverend  correspondent  as  exagger- 
ated and  indeed  rather  suited  to  make  one  "  a  little 
merrye."     He  says  :  — 

"You    complain    of    the    slanderous    &    reproachfull 
speeches  of  some  of  o""^;  they  report  that  yo'^  cattle  doe 

1  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  ii.  421. 


To6      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

not  thrive,  that  y""  ground  is  barrin  &c  :  these  are  more 
hke  the  speeches  of  a  prophet  ...  I  know  you  trouble 
not  yo""  thoughts  w'^  these  things  exceept  it  be  for  recrea- 
tion, it  is  well  they  have  no  worse  matter  to  laye  to  yo"^ 
charge ;  if  they  had  added  that  you  had  kept  polluted 
night  assemblys,  &  worshipped  the  head  of  an  asse  &c : 
then  they  had  sett  on  w''^  the  weight  of  the  old  current 
stampe. 

"  Yet  if  you  could  shewe  us  the  men  that  reproached 
you,  we  should  teache  them  better  manners,  than  to 
speake  evill  of  this  good  land  God  hath  brought  us  to, 
&  to  discourage  the  hearts  of  their  brethren:  only  you 
may  beare  a  little  w*^  the  more  moderate  of  them,  in 
regard  that  one  of  yo"  opened  the  doore  to  all  that  have 
followed  &  for  that  they  may  conceive  it  as  lawfull  for 
them  to  discourage  some  w""  us  from  forsakinge  us  to 
goe  to  you,  as  for  yo""^  to  plott  by  incouragm'^  &c.  to  drawe 
Mr.  Shepherd  &  his  wholl  church  from  us.  Sic  fama 
est:' 

The  main  topic  of  this  correspondence  between  Mr. 
Hooker  and  Governor  Winthrop  was  not,  however, 
the  question  of  a  more  or  less  tangible  misrepresenta- 
tion of  the  state  of  things  in  Connecticut.  It  had  to 
do  with  the  incipient  movements  toward  a  Confeder- 
ation of  the  colonies,  the  first  steps  toward  which 
seem  to  have  been  taken  at  the  time  of  the  synod 
of  the  elders  and  messengers  of  the  churches,  called 
together  the  year  before,  in  August,  1637,  about  the 
theological  views  of  Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson.  For 
the  sake  of  preserving,  so  far  as  possible,  chronolog- 
ical sequence  in  our  narrative,  it  may  be  best  here, 
rather  than  elsewhere,  to  speak  of  that  synod  and  its 
occasion. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  107 

The  trouble  which  called  for  the  ecclesiastical 
council  had  begun  a  considerable  time  previous.  Mrs. 
Hutchinson  joined  the  Boston  church  on  Nov.  2, 
1634.  At  that  time  some  objection  was  made  to 
the  opinions  she  held  and  expressed  on  the  voyage 
over.^  But  she  seems  to  have  had  in  that  trans- 
action, as  well  as  in  some  other  of  her  earlier  pro- 
cedures, the  support  of  Mr.  Cotton,  who  had  stood 
in  a  pastoral  relation  to  her  in  England.  Her  husband 
is  described  as  being  a  suitable  man  for  a  strong- 
minded  woman,  —  "a  man  of  very  mild  temper  and 
weak  parts,  and  wholly  guided  by  his  wife."  ^  She 
was  soon  followed  to  this  country  by  her  brother-in- 
law.  Rev.  John  Wheelwright,  whom  it  was  speedily 
proposed  to  associate  with  Mr.  Wilson  and  Mr.  Cot- 
ton in  the  care  of  the  Boston  church,  —  a  project, 
however,  which  failed. 

Mrs.  Hutchinson  was  a  woman  of  kind  heart,  quick 
wits,  and  persuasive  address.  Her  visitations  of  the 
sick,  and  ministrations  especially  in  the  maternal 
exigencies  of  her  sex,  won  for  her  the  affection  and 
sympathy  of  many.  She  soon  established  a  kind  of 
weekly  conference,  or  Bible-reading  as  it  would  now 
be  called,  at  which  she  gathered  a  large  number  of 
women  and  unfolded  her  peculiar  views,  and  criticised 
the  ministers  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Cotton  and 
Mr.  Wheelwright. 

Her  peculiar  views  were,  as  Winthrop  says,  "  that 
the  person  of  the  Holy  Ghost  dwells  in  a  justified  per- 
son.    That  no  sanctification  can  help  to  evidence  to 

1  Hutchinson,  ii.  48S,  493,  494.  2  Winthrop,  i.  356. 


io8  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

us  our  justification."  ^  The  language  is  archaic  in 
modern  ears,  but  the  idea  is  not  an  unfamiUar  one  in 
the  religious  history  of  many  periods,  —  that  a  kind  of 
incarnation  of  the  Divine  Spirit  exists  in  every  Chris- 
tian, and  that  every  man's  evidence  that  he  is  a 
Christian  is  an  immediate  perception  of  the  fact,  and 
not  an  inference  from  any  improvement  of  his  char- 
acter. Mrs.  Hutchinson's  doctrine  was  that  to  look 
to  any  signs,  like  love  of  the  truth  or  the  transforma- 
tion of  the  conduct,  as  tokens  that  a  man  was  a  saved 
man,  was  to  be  under  a  "  covenant  of  works."  The 
*'  covenant  of  grace  "  demanded  that  every  Christian 
should  know  he  was  a  saved  man  by  an  immediate 
intuition  or  disclosure  of  the  fact.  These  notions,  as 
Winthrop  says,  had  *^  many  branches."  They  led  out 
into  exaggerated  ideas  of  the  possibility  of  present 
revelations,  and  into  depreciated  conceptions  of  the 
moral  virtues.  They  prompted  naturally  to  contemp- 
tuous estimates  of  the  value  of  learning  in  religious 
matters,  and  to  exalted  claims  to  immediate  inspira- 
tion. The  seed  fell  into  heated  soil ;  the  whole  com- 
munity was  alive  with  the  excitement.  Some  were 
intoxicated  with  the  assurance  of  personal  salvation ; 
some,  wanting  the  declared  indispensable  illumina- 
tion, were  ovenvhelmed  with  despair.  One  woman  of 
the  Boston  congregation,  long  troubled  with  doubts, 
was  driven  to  distraction,  and  threw  her  child  into 
a  well,  saying,  "  now  she  was  sure  she  should  be 
damned."  ^ 

The  partisans  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  were  cheered  by 

1  Winthrop,  i.  239.  2  n^i^,  282. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  109 

the  support  of  the  young  governor,  Henry  Vane,  and 
by  the  supposed  sympathy  of  Mr.  Cotton ;  and  they 
rejoiced  in  proclaiming  themselves  the  representatives 
of  a  pecuharly  full  and  free  gospel.  They  claimed 
that  under  the  direct  enlightenment  of  the  Spirit  their 
women  and  unlettered  men  preached  better  than  the 
"black-coats"  taught  in  the  "  ninny versity,"  —  a 
designation  whose  feminine  and  Hutchinsonian  origin 
it  is  impossible  to  question.  The  matter  divided 
households,  and  entered  into  general  politics.  The 
Hutchinsonian  party  looked  coldly  on  the  efforts 
to  assist  Connecticut  in  the  Pequot  war,  alleging  that 
the  Massachusetts  "  officers  and  soldiers  were  too 
much  under  a  covenant  of  works." 

The  churches  of  the  entire  colony  were  turmoiled ; 
that  of  Boston  was  nearly  rent  asunder.  The  pas- 
tor, Mr.  Wilson,  supported  by  Mr.  Winthrop  and  a 
few  others,  were  on  the  one  side ;  Mr.  Cotton  and  a 
majority  of  the  church  were  on  the  other.  A  meet- 
ing of  the  General  Court,  in  December,  1636,  called 
together  the  ministers  and  elders  to  consider  the 
troubles.^  Mr.  Wilson  charged  the  difficulty  on  the 
spread  of  the  new  Hutchinsonian  opinions ;  where- 
upon his  church,  led  by  Mr.  Cotton,  his  associate, 
summoned  him  to  answer  for  it  publicly.^ 

A  general  Fast  was  observed  on  the  19th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1637,  in  view  of  the  "dissension  in  the  churches  " 
and  other  evils.  Mr.  Wheelwright,  at  the  afternoon 
service  in  the  Boston  church,  preached  a  sermon 
which,  in  the  heated  temper  of  the  time,  was  under- 

1  Winthrop,  i.  248.  ^  Ibid.  250. 


no  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Stood  to  be  an  assault  on  the  anti-Hutchinsonian  party 
as  "antichrists."  ^ 

The  Court  judged  him  guilty  of  sedition.  The  Bos- 
ton church  interposed  with  a  petition  in  his  behalf. 
The  excitement  was  so  great  that  it  was  determined 
to  hold  the  next  Court  of  Election  away  from  Boston, 
—  at  Newtown.  At  that  assembly,  which  was  on  the 
17th  of  May,  —  just  as  the  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut soldiers  were  drawing  near  to  the  Pequot 
encampment,  —  matters  came  near  to  physical  vio- 
lence.^ Mr.  Wilson,  the  pastor  of  the  Boston  church, 
climbed  a  tree  in  the  field  where  the  voters  were 
assembled,  and  addressed  them  from  among  the 
branches.^  The  whole  question  of  officers  for  the 
colony  turned  on  the  Hutchinsonian  views.  The  re- 
sult showed  that  the  sympathizers,  though  many,  were 
in  a  minority.  Governor  Vane  lost  his  election,  and 
soon  returned  to  England. 

His  defeat  and  departure  removed  one  strong  pillar 
of  the  delusion.  Cooler  counsels  began  to  prevail. 
A  day  of  humiliation  was  appointed  in  the  churches 
for  the  24th  of  July.  By  the  coming  of  August 
matters  were  in  a  better  condition  for  deliberate 
consideration.  In  April  previous  Mr.  Hooker  had 
written  to  Mr.  Shepard,  of  Newtown,  —  who,  in  the 
October  following,  was  to  become  his  son-in-law,  — 
advising  against  a  council  on  the  Hutchinsonian  mat- 
ters.'*    He  wrote  also,  just  about  the  same  time,  a 

1  Winthrop,  i.  256.  But  see  as  to  its  real  quality,  Ellis's 
Puritan  Age,  p.  322. 

2  Winthrop,  i.  262.       ^  Hutchinson,  i.  61,  note.      *  Ibid.  68. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  ill 

sympathetic  letter  to  Governor  Winthrop  on  the  posi- 
tion the  Governor  had  taken  in  the  affair  :  ^  — 

"  When  I  first  heard  of  those  heavy  distractions  which 
have  risen  so  vnexpectedly,  I  did  reioyce  from  the  root 
of  my  heart,  that  the  Lord  did  &  hath  gratiously  kept 
you  from  any  taynt  of  those  new-coyned  conceits.  You 
know  my  playnnesse :  you  cannot  keepe  your  comfort, 
nor  an  honorable  respect  in  Christ  in  the  hearts  of  His, 
more  then  in  keeping  close  to  the  truth.  You  shall  have 
what  interest  I  have  in  heaven  to  help  you  in  that  work." 

But  when  August  came,  either  he  had  changed  his 
views  about  a  council,  or  the  state  of  things  had 
changed;  for  on  the  5th  of  that  month  Mr.  Hooker 
and  Mr.  Stone  arrived  in  the  Bay  from  Connecticut 
by  way  of  Providence,  and  "  Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Pyn- 
cheon,  and  about  twelve  more,"  also  arrived  by 
another  route,  as  delegates  to  the  same  assembly, 
bringing  with  them  the  Pequot  skins  and  scalps  before 
spoken  of.  The  time  till  August  30th  was  spent  in 
preliminary  consultations,  and  the  24th  was  observed 
as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer. 

The  synod  opened  its  sessions  on  the  30th  of 
August.  It  was  composed  of  all  the  ministerial  elders 
in  the  country  —  about  twenty-five  in  number  —  and 
delegates  from  the  churches.  Mr.  Shepard  began  the 
deliberations  with  a  *"  heavenly  prayer."  Rev.  Peter 
Bulkley,  of  Concord,  and  Mr.  Hooker,  of  Hartford, 
were  chosen  Moderators.  The  sessions  continued 
twenty- two  days.  As  a  result  of  the  deliberations  a 
list  of  eighty-two  opinions,  more  or  less  intimately 
1  4  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vi.  389,  390. 


112  LIFE   OF   THOMAS  HOOKER. 

connected  with  the  recent  controversy,  were  con- 
demned as  "  some  blasphemous,  others  erroneous, 
and  all  unsafe."  ^ 

It  was  further  resolved,  with  special  reference  to 

1  Winthrop,  i.  284.  Some  of  these  condemned  opinions, 
though  phrased  in  antique  style,  are  recognizahle  enough  in 
their  modern  masquerading  attire  to  justify  the  reproduction 
of  a  few  of  them  here  .  — 

'*  4.  That  those  that  hee  in  Christ  are  not  under  the  law  and 
commands  of  the  Word,  as  the  rule  of  life." 

"  20.  That  to  call  in  question  whether  God  be  my  deare  Fa- 
ther after  or  upon  the  commission  of  some  hainous  sinnes  (as 
murther,  incest  &c.)  doth  prove  a  man  to  be  in  the  covenant  of 
works  " 

"39.  The  due  search  and  knowledge  of  the  Holy  Scripture 
is  not  a  safe  and  sure  way  of  finding  Christ." 

"  40.  There  is  a  testimony  of  the  Spirit,  and  voyce  unto  the 
soule,  meerely  immediate,  without  any  respect  unto  or  concur- 
rence with  the  Word." 

"  43.  The  Spirit  acts  most  in  the  saints  when  they  indeavour 
least." 

"  47.  The  scale  of  the  Spirit  is  limited  onely  to  the  imme- 
diate witnesse  of  the  Spirit,  and  doth  never  witnesse  to  any 
worke  of  grace,  or  to  any  conclusion  by  a  syllogisme." 

"56.  A  man  is  not  effectually  converted  till  he  hath  full 
assurance." 

"64  A  man  must  take  no  notice  of  his  sinne,  nor  of  his 
repentance  for  his  sinne." 

"  70.  Frequency  or  length  of  holy  duties,  or  trouble  of  con- 
science for  neglect  thereof,  are  all  signes  of  one  under  a 
covenant  of  workes." 

"  73.  It  is  a  fundamental!  and  soule-damning  errour  to  make 
sanctification  an  evidence  of  justification." 

"  77  Sanctification  is  so  farre  from  evidencing  a  good  estate 
that  it  darkens  it  rather;  and  a  man  may  more  clearely  see 
Christ  when  he  seeth  no  sanctification  than  when  he  doth  :  the 
darker  my  sanctification  is,  the  brighter  is  my  justification." 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  1 13 

Mrs.  Hutchinson's  Bible-readings,  that  though  fe- 
males meeting,  "  some  few  together,"  for  prayer  and 
edification  might  be  allowed,  yet  that  "  a  set  assem- 
bly .  .  .  where  sixty  or  more  did  meet  every  week, 
and  one  woman  .  .  .  took  upon  her  the  whole  exer- 
cise," was  "  disorderly  and  without  rule."  ^ 

The  synod  broke  up  on  the  2 2d  of  September,  and 
on  the  following  26th  Mr.  Davenport,  afterward  of 
New  Haven,  preached  by  its  appointment  a  sermon 
of  gratulation  and  good  counsel.  The  expenses  of 
the  delegates  at  Newtown  and  in  travel  from  Con- 
necticut were  paid  at  the  colonial  charge.^  And  so 
after  more  than  two  months'  absence,  Mr.  Hooker 
and  Mr.  Stone  had  a  chance  to  go  back  to  Hartford 
again. 

Poor  Mrs.  Hutchinson  —  the  enthusiastic,  kind- 
hearted,  pious,  and  erroneous  occasion  of  all  these  dis- 
turbances—  was  soon  after  called  before  the  Court  for 
continuing  her  "disorderly"  meetings,  and  promul- 
gating the  opinions  which,  with  less  or  more  accuracy 
of  statement  or  inference,  the  synod  had  condemned. 
She  was  awhile  committed  to  Mr.  Cotton's  care,  to 
be  reasoned  with  by  him  and  Mr.  Davenport;  and 
subsequently  was  brought  before  the  Boston  church 
for  trial.  The  trial  was  in  March,  1638,  and  was  on 
two  successive  lecture-days,  the  15th  and  2 2d,  and 
was  held  "  befr  all  the  Elders  of  other  Churches,  and 
the  Face  of  the  Country."  The  "  saintly  "  Thomas 
Shepard  and  Mr.  Welde,  of  Roxbury,  appeared  in  the 

1  Winthrop,  i.  286.  2  jbid,  28S. 


114      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

character  of  prosecutors.  It  is  a  melancholy  story.i 
The  attempt  was  made  to  force  upon  her  the  avowal 
of  immoral  opinions  concerning  the  relations  of  the 
sexes,  which  her  reverend  accusers  declared  would 
"  necessarily  follow "  ^  as  consequences  from  her 
views  concerning  the  resurrection.  But  this  attempt 
was  vain.  With  all  a  pure  woman's  indignation  she 
repudiated  the  imputation.  "  I  hould  it  not  ...  I 
abhor  that  Practise."  ^  Surrounded  by  the  adroit  dia- 
lecticians of  the  Church  and  State,  Mrs.  Hutchinson 
made  a  substantial  retraction  of  most,  certainly,  of  the 
errors  imputed  to  her,  but  was  entangled  in  a  labyrinth 
of  confusions  between  her  "  Judgement "  and  her 
*'  Expressions,"  and  particularly  as  to  the  time  when 
she  had  first  held  and  proclaimed  her  opinions.  The 
church,  through  the  mouth  of  Pastor  Wilson,  pro- 
nounced sentence  of  excommunication  for  her"  ^r^?/'^" 
and  "  forasmuch  as  yow  have  made  a  Lye.'"  ^  It  is 
impossible  to  read  this  trial  without  sympathy  for  the 
poor  hounded  woman,  who,  whatever  her  extravagances 
and  errors,  was  put  as  much  at  a  disadvantage  before 
that  tribunal  as  was  ever  victim  of  High  Commission 
or  Inquisition.  Nor  is  it  possible,  either,  to  wink  out 
of  sight  the  fact  that  exasperating  and  disquieting  as 
were  her  procedures  at  home,  it  was  largely  because 
of  their  apprehended  effect  in  the  old  country  that 
such    severity   of    treatment   was    accorded   to   her. 

1  See  Hutchinson's  History,  ii.,  appendix;  and  Report  of 
Trial  of  Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson,  in  Proc.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc,  2d 
series,  iv.  1 59-191. 

2  Report  of  Trial.  ^  ibid.  4  Ibid. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  115 

Following  her  sentence  of  deliverance  "///  to  Sathan^'' 
and  banishment  "  as  a  Leper  .  .  .  owt  of  the  con- 
gregiio?!,^'  came,  on  the  2Sth  of  the  month,  her  sen- 
tence of  banishment  from  the  colony.  The  exiled 
woman,  whom  the  eye  of  modern  sympathy  follows  with 
regret,  soon  after  became  a  widow,  moved  to  the  Dutch 
frontier,  and  was,  about  six  years  later,  with  all  her  chil- 
dren but  one  of  eight  years,  killed  by  the  Indians. 
Her  views  were  erratic,  and  her  procedures  in  the 
existing  state  of  things  were  probably  to  some  real 
extent  dangerous ;  but  it  may  be  hoped  and  believed 
that  heaven  was  wide  enough  for  her  after  all. 

Her  name,  however,  continued  for  many  years  a 
name  of  evil  omen  in  New  England ;  a  curious  illus- 
tration of  which  fact  may  come  appropriately  at  this 
point  into  our  story  of  Mr.  Hooker.  Perhaps  the  only 
recorded  saying  of  Mr.  Hooker's  wife,  Susannah,  is 
quoted  in  a  letter  of  her  husband's  from  Hartford, 
about  one  of  the  alleged  judgments  which,  in  1637, 
befell  a  near  relative  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson's  who  was 
"  infected  with  her  herisies."      Mr.   Hooker  writes  : 

"  While  I  was  thus  musing  and  thus  writing,  my  study 
where  I  was  writing  and  the  chamber  where  my  wife  was 
sitting,  shook  as  we  thought  with  an  earthquake,  by  the 
space  of  half  a  quarter  of  an  hour.  We  both  percieved 
it  and  presently  went  down.  My  maid  in  the  kitchen 
observed  the  same.  My  wife  said  //  was  the  devil  that 
was  displeased  that  we  confer  about  this  occasion^  ^ 

It  was  said  earlier  in  this  chapter  that  the  first 
movements  toward  the  confederation  of  the  colonies 

1  Magnalia,  ii.  449. 


Ii6  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

—  which  was  the  main  topic  of  the  letters  between 
Mr.  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Hooker  from  which  quotations 
were  there  made  —  were  apparently  undertaken  at  the 
time  of  the  Hutchinson  Synod  in  Boston.  In  whose 
mind  the  scheme  of  union  first  originated  it  is  proba- 
bly impossible  to  say.  The  need  of  such  union  arose 
from  the  common  interests  and  common  perils  of  the 
colonies  themselves.  The  Dutch  and  the  Indians 
drove  them  together  in  mutual  defence.  There  is 
apparently  no  adequate  ground  for  suggesting  ^  a 
Netherland  origin  for  a  union  which  the  necessities  of 
the  situation  itself  adequately  explain.  Plymouth, 
whose  Netherlandish  experiences  were  greatest,  was 
not  even  present  at  the  original  conference  on  the 
matter.'*  As  a  result  of  this  conference,  articles  of 
union  were  first  proposed  by  Massachusetts,  and 
"  drawn  probably  by  Governor  Winthrop  himself."  ^ 
Connecticut,  however,  objected  to  the  binding  power 
of  a  majority-vote  of  the  com^missioners  as  proposed 
by  Massachusetts.  A  difference  of  judgment,  further- 
more, as  to  what  ultimate  authority  opposing  views 
on  points  controverted  among  the  colonies  should  be 
referred  for  decision  —  whether  to  the  people  as  a 
whole  or  to  the  magistrates  only  —  entered  into  the 

1  J.  Q.  Adams,  3  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  ix.  211 ;  Palfrey,  i. 
323;  Doyle,  i.  306.  If  a  foreign  exemplar,  however,  must  be 
found  for  so  natural  an  arrangement,  why  not  refer  to  the 
Confederation  of  Switzerland,  vastly  older  than  Holland's,  and 
known,  by  residence  under  its  protection,  by  English  Puritans 
for  generations  .'' 

2  Winthrop,  i.  2S3,  284. 

3  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i.  i,  Dr.  Trumbull's  note. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  117 

debate,  and  was  topic  of  opposing  opinion  in  the 
correspondence  between  Mr.  Winthrop  and  Mr. 
Hooker,  wherein  Mr.  Hooker  took,  as  usual,  the 
democratic  side.  But  the  probable  immediate  cause 
of  the  temporary  breaking  off  of  the  negotiations  for 
federation  was  the  claim  of  Massachusetts  to  jurisdic- 
tion over  Agawam  (Springfield),  whose  inhabitants  had 
accounted  themselves  a  part  of  the  Connecticut  Colony, 
and  had  acted  with  those  of  Connecticut  in  establish- 
ing the  government  which  followed  the  expiration  of 
the  Massachusetts  commission  in  March,  1637.1  The 
plan  of  union  was  not  however  abandoned,  but  was, 
as  there  will  be  occasion  hereafter  to  notice,  prose- 
cuted by  the  personal  endeavours  of  both  the  eminent 
men  whose  correspondence  had  disclosed  so  consider- 
able diversity  of  opinions,  and  was  ultimately  carried 
into  successful  accomplishment. 

1  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i.  13,  and  Dr.  Trumbull's  note. 


Ii8     ]  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

HOOKER   IN   CONNECTICUT. 

Section  II. 

The  birthplace  of  American  democracy  is  Hartford. 

Johnston's  Confiectlait,  p.  73. 

Returned  to  Hartford  after  the  Hutchinsonian 
Synod  in  the  autumn  of  1637,  Pastor  Hooker  doubt- 
less found  the  interests  of  the  scarcely  yet  more  than 
one-year-old  settlement  demanding  his  care.  The 
winter  following  was,  as  has  been  seen,^  a  "sad,  sharp" 
one,  in  which  many  men  and  cattle  lost  their  lives. 
In  the  opening  spring  the  first  steps  were  taken  to- 
ward the  more  permanent  meeting-house  before  re- 
ferred to,^  in  place  of  the  temporary  structure  till  this 
time  employed  for  the  purpose. 

But  the  chief  occurrence  which  makes  this  year 
memorable  was  the  preparation  in  it  for  the  establish- 
ment of  that  written  Constitution  of  popular  govern- 
ment which  the  first  few  weeks  of  the  following  year 
were  to  see  formally  adopted,  and  which  is  not  only 
an  instrument  of  unique  and  intense  interest  to  all 
students  of  democratic  institutions,  but  is  in  some 
sense  Mr.  Hooker's  most  distinguishing  and  abiding 
monument. 

1  Ante,  p.  loi.  2  Ante,  p.  95. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  119 

The  preliminary,  motions  toward  the  establishment 
of  this  distinctively  democratic  Constitution  are  very 
imperfectly  recorded.  In  a  true  sense  they  began  in 
the  differences  which  developed  in  the  Bay  govern- 
ment before  the  Connecticut  settlers  left  that  juris- 
diction, and  which  were,  as  has  been  pointed  out,^ 
among  the  efficient  causes  of  that  removal.  Any 
careful  student  of  the  early  history  of  the  Bay  Colony 
cannot  fail  to  see  that  there  is  all  through  it  a  con- 
stant struggle  between  the  t^vo  conflicting  princi- 
ples of  aristocracy  and  democracy,  and  that  the 
Connecticut  secession  was  but  one  of  its  earlier 
manifestations.  It  was  in  the  communities  afterward 
emigrating  to  the  river  that  dissatisfaction  with  the 
principle  of  authority  earliest  and  most  distinctly 
showed  itself.  In  1631  Watertown  had  objected  to 
the  levying  of  taxes  by  the  Governor  and  Assistants 
without  consent  of  the  people.^  In  1632  Newtown 
was  agitated  about  the  limits  of  the  authority  exercised 
by  the  Governor,  "whether  by  the  patent  or  other- 
wise ;  "  and  a  conference  between  the  Deputy  and 
the  Governor  in  the  presence  of  the  leading  Elders  of 
the  colony  was  had  on  the  subject.*  In  1634  the  dep- 
uty of  Dorchester  to  the  General  Court  was  disabled 
from  bearing  office  for  three  years  for  denying  the 
magisterial  authority  of  the  Governor  and  Assistants.* 

The  Massachusetts  government  was  not,  and  was 
never  intended  to  be,  democratic.     Its  chief  civil  ad- 

1  Ante,  pp.  87-89.  2  Winthrop,  i.  84. 

3  Ibid.  98-104. 

*  Ibid.  185,  186,  and  Col.  Rec,  i.  135,  136. 


I20  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

ministrator  —  a  man  of  the  largest  nobility  and  purity 
of  character  —  had  much  of  the  predisposition  toward 
the  established  in  religion  and  politics  characteris- 
tic of  most  men  of  family  and  position  in  his  time ; 
and  its  chief  religious  representative  and  counsellor 
affirmed :  "  Democracy  I  do  not  conceive  that  ever 
God  did  ordain  as  a  fit  government  either  for  Church 
or  Commonwealth." 

How  the  company  who  were  associated  with  Mr. 
Hooker  in  his  temporary  Newtown  residence  felt  on 
the  questions  at  issue  between  magisterial  and  pop- 
ular rights,  was  significantly  indicated  by  the  fact  that 
when,  in  1634,  the  Assistants  voted  negatively  on 
Newtown's  petition  for  removal,  and  the  Deputies  voted 
affirmatively,  and  dispute  arose  about  the  effect  of 
the  vote,  the  Newtown  people  took  the  vote  of  the 
lower  house  as  granting  all  necessary  authority,  and 
made  no  further  application  for  leave. 

What  Mr.  Hooker's  own  personal  position  on  the 
general  question  of  the  rights  of  magistrates  and  peo- 
ple was,  cannot  be  open  to  question.  An  early 
chronicler  says  :  "  After  Mr.  Hooker's  coming  over  it 
was  observed  that  many  of  the  freemen  grew  to  be 
very  jealous  of  their  liberties."  ^  And  this  jealousy 
for  popular  liberty  which  his  Massachusetts  associates 
must  have  observed  in  him  and  borrowed  encourage- 
ment from,  found  in  this  year  of  the  preliminary 
procedures  for  the  establishment  of  the  Connecticut 
Constitution  two  most  signal  manifestations. 

In  the  correspondence  with  Mr.  Winthrop,  written 
1  Hubbard's  General  History,  p.  165. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  I2i 

in  the  autumn  of  1638,  Mr.  Hooker  in  the  plainest 
terms  avows  his  broadly  democratic  sentiments.  Mr. 
Winthrop  had  written  :  ^  — 

"  I  expostulated  [with  Mr.  Hooker]  about  the  unwar- 
rantableness  and  unsafeness  of  referring  matter  of  counsel 
or  judicature  to  the  body  of  the  people,  quia  the  best  part 
is  always  the  least,  and  of  that  best  part  the  wiser  part 
is  always  the  lesser.  The  old  law  was,  choose  ye  out 
judges,  etc.,  and  thou  shalt  bring  the  matter  before  the 
judge,  etc." 

Whether,  as  Governor  Winthrop's  distinguished  de- 
scendant and  biographer  contends,^  this  statement  of  the 
Governor's  views  referred  "  only  to  matters  of  *  counsel 
or  judicature,'  which  not  even  the  democracy  of  our 
own  days  would  willingly  submit  to  the  '  body  of  the 
people,'  "  or  not,  Mr.  Hooker  certainly  seems  to  have 
taken  it  in  a  broader  sense.     He  replied  :  ^  — 

"  I  fully  assent  to  those  staple  principles  which  you  set 
down;  to  wit,  that  the  people  should  choose  some  from 
amongst  them  —  that  they  should  refer  matter  of  counsel 
to  their  counsellors,  matter  of  judicature  to  their  judges  : 
only,  the  question  here  grows  —  what  rule  the  judge 
must  have  to  judge  by ;  secondly  who  those  counsellors 
must  be. 

"  That  in  the  matter  which  is  referred  to  the  judge,  the 
sentence  should  lie  in  his  breast,  or  be  left  to  his  discre- 
tion according  to  which  he  should  go,  I  am  afraid  it  is  a 
course  which  wants  both  safety  and  warrant.     I  must 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  428. 

2  Robert  C.  Winthrop's  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop, 
ii.  237. 

3  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i.  11,  12. 


122  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

confess,  I  ever  looked  at  it  as  a  way  which  leads  directly 
to  tyranny,  and  so  to  confusion,  and  must  plainly  profess, 
if  it  was  in  my  liberty,  I  should  choose  neither  to  live  nor 
leave  my  posterity  under  such  a  government.  Sit  liber 
judex,  as  the  lawyers  speak.  17  Deut,  10,  11  — Thou 
shalt  observe  to  do  according  to  all  that  they  inform,  ac- 
cording to  the  sentence  of  the  Law.  Thou  shalt  seek  the 
Law  at  his  mouth  :  not  ask  what  his  discretion  allows, 
but  what  the  Law  requires.  And  therefore  the  Apostles, 
when  the  rulers  and  high  priest  passed  sentence  against 
their  preaching,  as  prejudicial  to  the  State,  the  Apostle 
Peter  made  it  not  dainty  to  profess  and  practice  contrary 
to  their  charge,  because  their  sentence  was  contrary  to 
law,  though  they  might  have  pretended  discretion  and 
depth  of  wisdom  and  policy  in  their  charge.  .  .  . 

"  Its  also  a  truth  that  counsel  should  be  sought  from 
counsellors ;  but  the  question  yet  is,  who  those  should 
be.  Reserving  smaller  matters  which  fall  in  occasionally 
in  common  course,  to  a  lower  counsel,  in  matters  of 
greater  consequence,  which  concern  the  common  good, 
a  general  counsel  chosen  by  all,  I  conceive,  under  favour, 
most  suitable  to  rule  and  most  safe  for  relief  of  the  whole. 
This  was  the  practice  of  the  Jewish  Church,  directed  by 
God,  Deut.  17:  10,  II;  2  Chron.,  19;  and  the  approved 
experience  of  the  best  ordered  States  give  in  evidence 
this  way." 

It  has  been  well  said  by  a  late  historian  of  Con- 
necticut, that  this  "  letter  to  Winthrop  might  be  made 
the  foundation  of  the  claim  that  he  [Mr.  Hooker] 
had  supplied  the  spirit  of  the  Connecticut  Constitu- 
tion." ^     Its  definite  formulation  of  the  demand  for 

1  Alexander  Johnston's  Connecticut,  p.  71.  See,  also,  Fiske's 
Beginnings  of  New  England,  p.  124. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  1 23 

some  rule  of  determination  in  civil  matters  above  the 
"  discretion  of  the  magistrates,"  which  the  people  in 
Massachusetts  had  asked  for,  but  found  "  most  of  the 
magistrates  and  some  of  the  elders  not  to  be  very- 
forward  "  ^  about ;  and  its  preference  of  the  counsel 
of  the  whole  people  rather  than  the  advice  of  "  the 
m.inisters  of  the  churches,"  as  Mr.  Cotton  contended 
for,2  and  Mr.  Winthrop  practised,^  mark  very  clearly 
the  lines  on  which  the  Constitution  was  framed,  and 
fairly  indicate  the  principles  which  that  document, 
for  the  first  time  in  human  history,  put  into  statutory 
form. 

But  Mr.  Hooker's  title  to  be  regarded  as  the  father 
of  the  Connecticut  Constitution  does  not  rest  on  any 
inference  from  his  general  position  or  from  sentiments 
expressed  in  a  letter  like  the  one  above  quoted.  It 
has  very  direct  and  conclusive  support  from  another 
source,  —  support  so  direct  and  conclusive  that  it  is 
regarded  as  altogether  demonstrative  by  all  late  writers 
who  have  had  occasion  to  notice  and  estimate  its 
significance. 

For  the  discovery  of  this  interesting  fact,  not  only 
in  Mr.  Hooker's  story  but  in  the  story  of  constitu- 
tional history  generally,  indebtedness  is  due  to  the 
distinguished  antiquarian  scholar.  Dr.  J.  Hammond 
Trumbull,  of  Hartford ;  to  whom  obligation  is  owing 
also  for  the  discovery  and  identification,  in  its  mis- 
placed position  in  the  Massachusetts  archives,  of  the 
letter  of  Mr.  Hooker  repeatedly  quoted  from  above. 
In  this  case  Dr.  Trumbull  had  a  harder  and  a  still 

1  Winthrop,  i.  3S8,  389.        2  ibi^.  283.        '^  Ibid.  300. 


124  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

more  rewarding  task.  The  evidence  lay  nearly  two 
and  a  quarter  centuries,  undeciphered  and  unconjec- 
tured,  in  a  little  manuscript  book  which  belonged  to 
Mr.  Henry  Wolcott,  Jr.,  of  Windsor,  now  in  the 
possession  of  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society ;  and 
of  which  Dr.  Trumbull  says,^  — 

"This  volume,  of  about  five  inches  long  by  four  wide, 
contains  380  pages,  closely  written,  in  cipher,  — compris- 
ing notes  of  sermons  and  lectures  by  Mr.  Warham  and 
Mr.  Huit  of  Windsor,  and  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr.  Stone  at 
Hartford,  from  April  19,  1638,  to  April  29,  1641,  in  regu- 
lar course.  These  notes  give  the  dates,  texts,  and  general 
outline  of  each  discourse ;  and  the  questions  discussed  at 
the  meetings  for  conference  and  for  catechising,  &c.  The 
alphabet  made  use  of  is  nearly  the  same  with  that  of 
Willis  (published  in  1607),  but  the  great  number  and 
variety  of  arbitrary  signs  introduced  by  the  writer  make 
the  task  of  deciphering  a  difficult  one." 

The  sermon  in  which  we  are  particularly  interested 
was  preached  by  Mr.  Hooker  at  an  adjourned  session 
of  the  General  Court  of  April,  1638.  "To  this  Court, 
undoubtedly,"  Dr.  Trumbull  says,'^  "  though  the  records 
are  silent  on  this  point,  was  intrusted  ihe  formation  of 
the  first  Constitution,  which  was  formally  adopted  in 
January,  1639.  Mr.  Hooker's  sermon,  or  rather  lecture, 
was  delivered  on  Thursday,  May  31,  1638,  at  an  ad- 
journed session,  probably,  of  the  April  Court,  and  was 
apparently  designed  to  lead  the  way  to  the  general 
recognition  of  the  great  truths  which  were  soon  to  be 
successfully  incorporated  in  the  Fundamental  Laws." 

1  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  1.  19.  ^  i^jd.  ig^  20. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  125 

This  interesting  and  important  utterance  in  constitu- 
tional history  is  given,  in  all  that  remains  of  it,  here  :  ^ 

'■'•  Text :  Deut.  i :  13.  'Take  you  wise  men,  and  un- 
derstanding, and  known  among  your  tribes,  and  I  will 
make  them  rulers  over  you.'  Captains  over  thousands, 
and  captains  over  hundreds  —  over  fifties  —  over  tens,  &c. 

"  Doctrine.  I.  That  the  choice  of  public  magistrates 
belongs  unto  the  people  by  Gods  own  allowance. 

"II.  The  privilege  of  election,  which  belongs  to  the 
people,  therefore  must  not  be  exercised  according  to  their 
humors,  but  according  to  the  blessed  will  and  law  of  God. 

"  III.  They  who  have  the  power  to  appoint  officers  and 
magistrates,  it  is  in  their  power,  also,  to  set  the  bounds 
and  hmitations  of  the  power  and  place  unto  which  they 
call  them. 

^''Reasons,  i.  Because  the  foundation  of  authority  is 
laid,  firstly,  in  the  free  consent  of  the  people. 

"2.  Because,  by  a  free  choice,  the  hearts  of  the  people 
will  be  more  inclined  to  the  love  of  the  persons  [chosen] 
and  more  ready  to  yield  [obedience.] 

"  3.  Because  of  that  duty  and  engagement  of  the  people. 

"  Uses.     The  lesson  taught  is  threefold  : 

"  i!^  There  is  matter  of  thankful  acknowledgement,  in 
the  [appreciation]  of  God's  faithfulness  toward  us,  and 
the  permission  of  these  measures  that  God  doth  com- 
mand and  vouchsafe. 

«2diy.  Of  reproof  —  to  dash  the  conceits  of  all  those 
that  shall  oppose  it. 

"  3'^Iy  Of  exhortation  —  to  persuade  us,  as  God  hath 
given  us  liberty,  to  take  it. 

"  And  lastly  —  as  God  hath  spared  our  lives,  and  given 
them  in  liberty,  so  to  seek  the  guidance  of  God,  and  to 
choose  in  God  and  for  God." 

1  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i.  20,  21. 


126  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

Such  is  the  meagre  outline,  written  by  an  occasional 
hearer's  hand,  of  a  discourse  preached  before  an 
elected  assembly  of  legislators  charged  with  the  busi- 
ness of  framing  a  body  of  laws  for  a  new  common- 
wealth. It  was  a  discourse  preached  by  the  recognized ; 
leader  of  the  colony,  by  a  man  of  profound  scholarship 
and  of  persuasive  pulpit  eloquence  measured  by  the 
standards  of  the  universities  and  churches  of  the 
home  land.  It  was  a  discourse  which,  meagre  as  it 
is  in  outline,  was  probably  elaborated  at  great  length 
under  every  head,  and  may  have  taken  an  hour  or 
two  hours  in  delivery.  Can  any  one  question  the 
effect  of  those  novel  propositions  on  the  minds  of 
those  men  in  the  wilderness  setting  up  the  fabric  of  a 
new  popular  government?  Can  any  one  read  those 
clear  definitions  of  the  source,  the  limitations,  and 
the  warrant  of  all  authority  in  human  government,  and 
not  recognize  the  formulation  of  a  new  principle  in 
political  science  ?  Can  any  one  put  this  brief  docu- 
ment beside  the  body  of  Fundamental  Laws  which 
this  legislative  assembly  a  few  months  later  promul- 
gated, and  not  recognize  from  whose  far-seeing  mind 
the  inspiration  and  distinctive  character  of  those  laws 
came  forth?  The  evidence  is  too  plain  for  ques- 
tiQnj___Whose  hand  soever  may  in  detail  have  phrased 
and  formulated  the  Fundamental  Lav/s,  —  and  Haynes^ 
and  Ludlow  and  other  men  there  were  who  mighty 
have  done  it,  —  the  outline  of  principle  and  idea, 
the  inspiration  and  spirit  of  them,  were  Thomas^ 
Hooker's.  It  is  impossible  not  to  recognize  the 
illuminating  mind  and  guiding  will.     The  pastor  of 


IN  CONNECTICUT  127 

the  Hartford  church  was  Connecticut's  great  legislator 
also. 

And  this  fact  has  been  recognized  by  those  who 
have  most  carefully  investigated  the  evidence.  Dr. 
Leonard   Bacon   says : ^  — 

"  That  sermon  by  Thomas  Hooker  from  the  pulpit  of 
the  First  Church  in  Hartford,  is  the  earliest  known 
suggestion  of  a  fundamental  law,  enacted  not  by  royal 
charter,  nor  by  concession  from  any  previously  existing 
government,  but  by  the  people  themselves,  —  a  primary 
and  supreme  law  by  which  the  government  is  constituted, 
and  which  not  only  provides  for  the  free  choice  of  magis- 
trates by  the  people,  but  also  'sets  the  bounds  and  limi- 
tations of  the  power  and  place  to  which  '  each  magistrate 
is  called." 

To  the  same  effect  is  the  utterance  of  Professor  Alex- 
ander Johnston  :  '^  — 

"  Here  is  the  first  practical  assertion  of  the  right  of  the 
people  not  only  to  choose  but  to  limit  the  powers  of  their 
rulers,  an  assertion  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  the 
American  system.  There  is  no  reference  to  '  dread  sov- 
ereign,' no  reservation  of  deference  to  any  class,  not  even 
to  the  class  to  which  the  speaker  himself  belonged.  Each 
individual  was  to  exercise  his  rights  'according  to  the 
blessed  will  and  law  of  God,'  but  he  was  to  be  responsi- 
ble to  God  alone  for  his  fulfillment  of  the  obligation. 
The  whole  contains  the  germ  of  the  idea  of  the  Common- 
wealth, and  it  was  developed  by  his  hearers  into  the  Con- 
stitution of  1639.  It  is  on  the  banks  of  the  Connecticut, 
under  the  mighty  preaching  of  Thomas  Hooker,  and  in 

1  Centennial  Conference  address,  pp.  152,  153. 

2  Connecticut,   p.   72. 


128  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

the  Constitution  to  which  he  gave  life,  if  not  form,  that 
we  draw  the  first  breath  of  that  atmosphere  which  is 
now  so  familiar  to  us." 

So,  also,  John  Fiske  says  of  the  Connecticut  Con- 
stitution of  1639  :  ^  — 

"  It  was  the  first  written  Constitution  known  to  history 
that  created  a  government,  and  it  marked  the  beginnings 
of  American  democracy,  of  which  Thomas  Hooker  de- 
serves more  than  any  other  man  to  be  called  the  father. 
The  government  of  the  United  States  to-day  is  in  lineal 
descent  more  nearly  related  to  that  of  Connecticut  than 
to  that  of  any  other  of  the  thirteen  colonies." 

And  similarly,  in  his  admirable  address  at  the  two 
hundred  and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  adoption  of 
the  Connecticut  Constitution,  Rev.  Joseph  Twichell 
says  of  this  utterance  of  Mr.  Hooker  : — 

"In  so  few  and  such  words  did  young  Mr.  Wolcott  of 
Windsor  set  down  the  substance  of  that  great  manifesto 
of  liberty;  how  little  deeming  that  his  jottings  are  the 
sole  record  by  which  more  than  two  centuries  later  it 
shall  be  redeemed  from  oblivion,  and  laurel  with  new  and 
imperishable  honor  the  memory  of  the  divine  and  states- 
man who  gave  it  voice." 

In  the  May  following  the  adoption  of  the  Consti- 
tution in  January,  1639,  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr.  Haynes, 
the  governor  of  Connecticut,  went  to  Boston  '*  and 
staid  near  a  month."  It  was  during  this  visit  to  the 
Bay  that  the  curious  personal  incident  occurred,  illus- 
trative, perhaps,  of  a  certain  trait  of  Mr.  Hooker's 
temperament    alluded    to    before,  ^    and    illustrative 

J  Beginnings  of  New  England,  pp.  127,  128 
2  Ante,  p.  &5  and  n(  te. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  1 29 

certainly,  as  a  late  commentator  on  the  original 
record  which  presences  the  incident  for  us  remarks/ 
of  the  "  inordinate  length "  —  judged  by  modern 
standards  —  ''  of  Mr.  Hooker's  sermons."  The  story 
as  Governor  Winthrop  gives  it  is  as  follows  :  ^  — 

"  Mr.  Hooker  being  to  preach  at  Cambridge,  the  gov- 
ernour  and  many  others  went  to  hear  him,  (though  the 
governour  did  very  seldom  go  from  his  own  congregation 
upon  the  Lord's  day).  He  preached  in  the  afternoon, 
and  having  gone  on,  with  much  strength  of  voice  and 
intention  of  spirit,  about  quarter  of  an  hour,  he  was  at  a 
stand,  and  told  the  people,  that  God  had  deprived  him 
both  of  his  strength  and  matter,  etc.,  and  so  went  forth, 
and  about  half  an  hour  after  returned  again,  and  went  on 
to  very  good  purpose  about  two  hours." 

The  object  of  Mr.  Hooker's  and  Governor  Haynes's 
visit  to  the  Bay  at  this  time  was  the  renewal  of 
negotiations  about  the  Confederation  v/hich  had  been 
unsuccessfully  begun  two  years  before.  They  were 
moved  thereto  by  increasing  apprehension  of  their 
Dutch  neighbours,  "  who  had  lately  received  a  new 
governor,"  William  Kieft,  —  an  abler  man  than  his 
predecessor,  "who  did  complain  much  of  the  injury 
done  to  them  at  Connecticut."  ^  Some  agreem.ent  or 
"  treaty  "  appears  to  have  been  successfully  made  or 
"renewed"^  between  the  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut negotiators;  but  the  formal  ratification  of 
a  Confederacy,    which    was    the    thing    Hooker    and 

1  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  ii.  244. 

2  Winthrop,  i.  366.  3  ibj^.  j.  350.  4  Ibid, 


I30  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Haynes  desired,  was  destined  still  awhile  to  delay. 
It  came  soon,  however,  hastened  at  last  not  only  by 
the  increasing  vigour  of  the  Dutch  administration 
on  the  west,  but  by  the  breaking  out  of  civil  war  in 
England. 

The  long  conflict  of  Puritanism  and  Prerogative  on 
the  home  soil  had  at  last  come  to  the  arbitrament  of 
arms.  No  one  could  say  how  it  would  eventuate. 
But  every  consideration  impelled  the  communities 
which  were  in  substantial  agreement  with  the  Puritan 
party  in  the  conflict,  on  this  side  of  the  water,  to 
draw  closer  together  and  be  ready  for  whatever  might 
happen.  Accordingly,  at  the  September  session  of  the 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  in  1642,  "  propo- 
sitions sent  from  Connecticut  about  a  combination" 
were  referred  to  a  committee,  who  amended  them, 
and  sent  "  them  back  to  Connecticut  to  be  considered 
upon  against  the  spring,  for  winter  was  now  approach- 
ing, and  there  could  be  no  meeting  before."  ^  The 
year  following,  1643,  saw  the  important  enterprise  con- 
summated by  the  agreement  of  commissioners  of  the 
various  colonies  in  twelve  articles,  which  constituted 
in  effect,  for  certain  matters  of  common  interest,  a 
federal  government  under  the  title  of  the  ''  United 
Colonies  of  New  England."  ^ 

Mr.  Hooker's  satisfaction  in  this  long-desired  result, 
and  his  hearty  acknowledgment  of  the  commanding 
influence  in  securing  its  final  attainment  of  the  large- 
minded  governor  of  Massachusetts,  from  whom    h^ 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  T02,  103.     C£.  Mass.  Coll.  Rec,  ii.  16,  31, 
^  Winthrop,  ii.  121,  127. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  131 

had  sometimes  differed  in  judgment  on  other  matters, 
is  well  expressed  in  the  following  beautiful  letter  :  1  — 

To  his  much  Honored  freind  John  Wyntropp  Esqiiier^ 
Governor  of  the  plantations  in  the  Matcheshtisets 
Bay,  dd. 

Much  Honored  in  Our  Blessed  Saviour,  —  At 
the  returne  of  our  Magistrates,  when  I  vnderstood  the 
gratious  &  desired  successe  of  ther  indeavor,  and  by  the 
ioynt  relation  of  them  all,  not  only  your  christian  readi- 
nes,  but  enlarged  faythfullnes  in  an  especiall  manner  to 
promote  so  good  a  work ;  though  the  appearance  of  flat- 
tery (if  I  know  myself  &  be  knowne  to  you)  be  not  only 
crosse  to  my  conscience  but  to  my  disposition,  yet  my 
heart  would  not  suffer  me  but  as  vnfeynedly  to  acknowledge 
the  Lords  goodnes,  so  affectionately  to  remember  your 
candid  &  cordiall  cariage  in  a  matter  of  so  great  conse- 
quence ;  laboring  by  your  speciall  prudence  to  settle  a 
foundation  of  safety  and  prosperity  in  succeeding  ages : 
a  work  which  will  be  found  not  only  for  your  comfort, 
but  for  your  crowne  at  the  great  day  of  your  account. 
Its  the  greatest  good  that  can  befall  a  man  in  this  world, 
to  be  an  instrument  vnder  God  to  do  a  great  deale  of 
good.  To  be  the  repayrer  of  the  breach,  was  of  old 
counted  matter  of  highest  prayse  &  acceptance  with 
God  &  man:  much  more  to  be  a  meanes,  not  only  to 
mayntayne  peace  &  truth  in  your  dayes,  but  to  leave  both, 
as  a  legacy  to  those  that  come  after,  vntill  the  coming  of 
the  Sonne  of  God  in  the  clouds. 

I  know  my  place  &  I  would  not  abuse  your  pacience, 
or  hynder  greater  imployments  :  my  ayme  is  nakedly  this  ; 
to  be  in  the  number,  &  to  have  my  voyce  v/ith  those,  that 
whyle  your  self  and  your  faythfull  Assistants  (as  Zerub- 
babell  &  his  fellow  helpers)  be  laying  the  first  stone  of 

1  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  ii.  310,  311. 


132  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

the  foundation  of  this  combynation  of  peace,  I  may 
crye  grace,  grace  to  your  irideavors.  And  by  presenting 
the  worth  and  acceptableness  of  the  work  before  you, 
to  strengthen  your  hands,  &  encorage  your  hearts  to 
proceed  on  with  blessing  &  successe.  Goe  on  therefore 
(worthy  Sir)  &  be  ever  enlarged  in  such  worthy  ser- 
vices, &:  the  God  of  truth  &  peace  will  ever  be  with  you, 
which  he  desires  dayly  to  begg,  who  desires  to  be 
Yours  in  all  due  respect 

Tho:  Hooker: 
The  15*^  of  the  5*^  men  :  1643  : 1  Sea-Brooke  : 

This  important  measure  of  Confederation,  though 
deficient  in  its  power  to  reach  individual  citizenship, 
or  effectually  to  carry  out  the  legislation  of  the 
Union,  —  much  in  the  same  way  that  the  Confedera- 
tion of  the  States  was  deficient  a  hundred  and  forty 
years  later,  —  was  nevertheless  the  most  important  po- 
litical step  yet  taken  by  the  colonies.  It  could  not 
have  been  effected  even  a  few  years  before  under  the 
watchful  eye  of  Laud  and  his  Privy  Council,  who  had 
the  government  of  English  colonial  affairs  in  their 
keeping.  But  Laud  was  now  in  prison.  The  king 
was  an  exile  from  his  own  capital.     The  time  was 

1  This  date  is  printed  in  the  "Life  and  Letters  of  John 
Winthrop,"  and  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's 
republication  of  this  letter,  as  1642;  but  the  internal  evidence 
of  the  letter  itself,  as  well  as  the  distinct  indorsement  of  it  by 
Governor  Winthrop  as  "  Rec:  (5)  24,  1643,"  settles  its  proper 
date;  and  as  Mr.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  says  in  a  recent 
letter  to  the  writer,  justifies  us  in  "  assuming  that  Hooker 
either  carelessly  made  his  3  to  look  like  a  2,  or  absent-mind- 
edly wrote  2  for  3."  See  also  Proceedings  Mass.  Hist.  Society, 
May,  1891. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  1 33 

opportune  for  the  establishment  of  a  union  which 
had  great  immediate  practical  benefits  as  well  as 
large  educative  power  in  training  the  scattered  colo- 
nists of  the  little  New  England  Commonwealths  into 
mutual  trust  and  confidence.  It  was  also,  though 
they  knew  it  not,  a  prophecy  and  forerunner  of  a 
greater  Confederacy  to  come,  which  was  to  unite  the 
whole  Atlantic  seaboard  settlements  into  one  shiiilar 
combination,  and  prepare  the  way  for  the  federal 
union  of  the  United  States  of  America. 


134  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 


VI. 

HOOKER   IN   CONNECTICUT. 

Section  III. 

If  any  to  this  Platform  can  reply 
With  better  reason,  let  this  volume  die : 
But  better  argument  if  none  can  give, 
Then  Thomas  Hookers  Policy  shall  live. 

Samuel  Stone's  Elegy. 

The  turmoiled  condition  of  affairs  in  England  was 
felt  in  New  England  in  relation  to  other  than  political 
matters  only.  The  ecclesiastical  ground-swell  in  the 
home-land  had  its  answering  motions  here.  Puritan- 
ism had  been  taking  possession  more  and  more  of  the 
popular  mind  in  the  old  country,  and  with  the  assem- 
bling of  the  Long  Parhament  in  1640  the  downfall  of 
the  hierarchical  system,  whose  arbitrary  administration 
by  Laud  had  been  the  main  cause  of  the  population 
of  the  new  settlements  in  America,  was  assured. 

But  the  course  of  Puritanism  in  England  and  in 
New  England  had  been  different.  In  England  the 
progress  of  dissent  from  the  Establishment  had  taken 
main  direction  toward  Presbyterianism.  In  New 
England  it  had  been  almost  exclusively  toward  Inde- 
pendency. The  churches  of  the  new  settlements 
modelled  themselves  more  or  less  intentionally  after 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  135 

that  of  Plymouth  and  of  the  exiles  who  had  brought 
Congregationalism  over  with  them  from  Scrooby  and 
Leyden. 

This  adoption  of  principles  of  ecclesiastical  pro- 
cedure divergent  to  some  considerable  extent  from 
those  of  the  majority  who  in  England  were  generally 
sympathetic  with  the  American  colonists  in  their  Pu- 
ritan views,  had  been  the  occasion  already  of  much 
correspondence  between  the  leading  men  of  the 
Puritan  party  there  and  here.  In  1636  or  1637 
"  many  ministers  in  Old  England  "  sent  inquiries  to 
their  "  Reverend  Brethren  in  New-England  concern- 
ing Nine  Positions''  supposed  to  be  taken  by  the 
churches  of  the  New  England  colonies  on  important 
points  of  ecclesiastical  usage.  This  inquiry  was  fol- 
lowed up  in  1638  or  1639  by  "two  and  thirty  Ques- 
tions "  of  similar  character  from  the  same  source. 
Answers  to  these  interrogations  were  forwarded,  —  to 
the  first  by  Rev.  John  Davenport,  of  New  Haven, 
and  to  the  second  by  Rev.  Richard  Mather,  of 
Dorchester. 

The  points  covered  by  these  inquiries  and  answers 
embraced  the  whole  scope  of  church  organization, 
terms  of  membership,  fellowship  with  English  parishes, 
office  and  responsibility  of  the  ministry,  power  of  the 
laity,  doctrinal  standards,  and  authority  of  councils. 
It  was  in  reference  to  the  last  point  —  the  authority 
of  councils,  or  synods,  as  they  were  then  commonly 
called  —  that  divergence  of  views  here  and  in  Eng- 
lish Puritanism  most  loudly  manifested  itself,  though 
there  was  perhaps  almost  equal  difference  of  judgment 


136       LIFE   OF   THOMAS  HOOKER. 

concerning  the  right  of  each  church  to  institute  its 
own  ministry. 

But  as  the  conflict  in  England  between  the  king 
and  Parhament  progressed,  the  tendency  of  EngUsh 
Puritanism  toward  Presbyterianism  strengthened.  It 
was  deemed  best  to  secure  the  aid  of  an  ecclesiastical 
synod  to  settle  the  religious  order  of  things  on  that 
basis.  As  early  as  1641  the  London  ministers  pro- 
posed to  Parliament  the  calling  of  an  Assembly,  and 
in  December  of  that  year  the  Commons  mentioned 
the  matter  as  one  of  their  desires  in  the  Grand  Re- 
monstrance.^  A  bill  was  passed  for  the  purpose  in 
1642,  but  failed  for  want  of  the  royal  assent.  The 
final  order  for  it,  without  the  king's  concurrence,  was 
June  12,  1643.  The  king,  by  proclamation,  forbade 
the  meeting,  and  threatened  to  deprive  of  their  liv- 
ings those  who  disobeyed.  This  substantially  pre- 
vented the  "loyal"  portion  of  the  Episcopalians 
from  attending,  and  added  to  the  certainty  of  the 
Presbyterian  character  of  the  result. 

But  an  Assembly  being  determined  on,  the  Ameri- 
can divines  were  not  forgotten.  A  letter  from  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  —  Mr.  Hooker's  old  Chelmsford 
friend  and  protector,  —  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  Oliver 
Cromwell,  and  some  thirty  other  minority  members 
of  Parliament,  "who  stood  for  the  independency 
of  churches,"  was  sent  to  New  England,  inviting 
Mr.  Cotton,  Mr.  Hooker,  and  Mr.  Davenport  to 
"  assist  in  the  synod  there  appointed  to  consider  and 

1  Forster's  Grand  Remonstrance,  pp.  26S,  269. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  137 

advise  about  the  settling  of  church  government."! 
Mr.  Cotton  and  Mr.  Davenport  were  inclined  to  go ; 
the  former  the  more  because  in  the  course  of  his 
Scripture  expositions  at  that  time  he  happened  to 
come  upon  a  passage  in  the  Acts  which  "  led  him  to 
deliver  that  doctrine  of  the  interest  all  churches  have 
in  each  other's  members  for  mutual  helpfulness."  Mr. 
Hooker,  with  characteristic  sagacity,  saw  the  possible 
complications  that  might  arise  from  participation  in  a 
synod  where  the  views  of  the  New  England  churches 
were  certain  of  rejection ;  and  he  sent  word  by  the 
messengers  who  came  on  from  Boston  with  the  invi- 
tation that  he  "liked  not  the  business,  nor  thought 
it  any  sufficient  call  for  them  to  go  3000  miles 
to  agree  with  three  men."  ^  The  "three  men"  in 
the  Assembly  who  "  stood  for  independency "  were 
in  fact  five  from  the  outset,  —  Thomas  Goodwin, 
Philip  Nye,  Jeremiah  Burroughs,  William  Bridge,  and 
Sydrach  Simpson.  As  the  sessions  went  on,  their 
numbers  doubled;  but  they  were  in  a  hopeless 
minority. 

The  wisdom  of  Mr.  Hooker's  judgment  was  soon 
affirmed  by  letters  from  Hugh  Peter  and  others  "  out 
of  England,"  advising  the  invited  American  divines 
"  to  stay  till  they  heard  further ;  so  this  care  came  to 
an  end."  ^  This  assembly,  which  has  passed  into 
history  as  the  Westminster  Assembly,  was  preponder- 
antly Presbyterian ;  and  that  party  grew  stronger  in 
it  as  its  eleven  hundred  and  sixty-three  sessions 
advanced. 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  91,  92.  2  n^jj^  3  itj^i. 


138  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

This  growing,  though  temporary,  dominance  of 
Presbyterianism  in  England  was  not  without  its  effect 
in  this  country.  It  gave  new  vigour  and  encourage- 
ment to  a  few  ministers  in  the  Massachusetts  Colony, 
whose  views  were  more  in  accordance  with  that  polity 
than  with  the  Congregational  Way  around  them.  The 
two  excellent  ministers  of  Newbury  —  Thomas  Par- 
ker, the  Pastor,  and  James  Noyes,  the  Teacher  — 
strongly  sympathized  with  most  of  the  Presbyterian 
principles ;  and  their  church  was  much  disquieted  by 
their  advocacy  of  them.^ 

Fearful  of  the  spread  of  these  dissensions,  it  was 
deemed  best  to  hold  a  meeting  of  the  ministers  of 
the  churches  at  Cambridge  to  emphasize  Congrega- 
tional principles.  This  assembly,  sometimes  errone- 
ously called  a  synod,  —  which  character,  however,  it 
lacked,  being  a  meeting  of  ministers  only,  and  these 
non-delegated  in  their  gathering,^  —  met  in  Septem- 
ber, 1643,  ^^d  was  composed  of  *'all  the  elders  in 
the  country,  (about  50  in  all,)  such  of  the  ruling 
elders  as  would  were  present  also,  but  none  else."  ^ 

Here,  again,  as  in  the  Hutchinsonian  Council,  Mr. 
Hooker  was  one  of  the  moderators ;  his  associate  at 
this  time  being  Mr.  Cotton.  "  They  sat  in  the  col- 
lege, and  had  their  diet  there  after  the  manner  of 
scholar's  commons,  but  somewhat  better,  yet  so  or- 
dered as  it  came  not  to  above  sixpence  the  meal  for 

1  Coffin's  History  of  Newbury,  pp.  72,  115. 

2  See  Richard  Mather's  characterization  of  it,  in  his  "  Reply 
to  Rutherford,"  pp.  77,  78. 

^  Winthrop,  ii.  165. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  139 

a  person.  .  .  .  The  assembly  concluded  against  some 
parts  of  the  presbyterial  way,  and  the  Newbury 
ministers  took  time  to  consider  the  arguments."  ^ 

Consideration  of  the  "  arguments  "  was  a  cliief  part 
of  the  industry  of  the  time  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic.  A  musketry-fire  of  pamphlets  and  a  heavier 
cannonade  of  bulkier  volumes  answered  one  another 
on  both  sides  of  the  controversy  and  of  the  sea.  Two 
or  three  lesser  tractates  by  Mr.  Cotton,  published  in 
1 64 1  and  1642,  were  followed  about  the  latter  date 
by  the  circulation  in  manuscript  form  of  his  "  Way  of 
the  Churches  of  Christ  in  New  England."  To  these 
was  added,  from  the  same  ever-ready  pen,  in  1644, 
Mr.  Cotton's  celebrated  treatise  on  the  "  Keyes  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven."  This  was  at  once  introduced 
to  the  English  public  by  Thomas  Goodwin  and  Philip 
Nye  —  members  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  then 
in  session  —  as  setting  forth  that  "  very  Middle-way 
.  .  .  between  that  which  is  called  Brownisme  and  the 
Presbyteriall-government "  which  they  had  contended 
for  in  the  Assembly.^  To  such  of  these  American 
tractates  as  were  extant  at  the  time  of  his  writing. 
Professor  Samuel  Rutherford,  also  a  member  of  the 
Assembly,  —  and  according  to  John  Cotton  a  "chief 
part  "  of  it,  —  undertook  a  reply  from  the  Presbyterian 
point  of  view.  He  directed  his  answer  mainly  against 
Cotton's  "Way;"  Mather's  Reply  to  the  "  XXXH 
Questions  ;  "  Mather's  answer  to  Herle  ;  and  certain 
treatises  of  John  Robinson's.     Mr.  Rutherford  was  an 

1  Winthrop,  ii.  165. 

2  "  Prefatory  Letter  "  to  the  "  Keyes." 


I40  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

able,  courteous,  and  learned  man,  and  one  of  the 
great  lights  of  the  Scottish  church.  He  was  familiar 
with  a  wide  range  of  the  literature  of  the  controversy, 
and  was  the  most  competent  man  of  the  Presbyterian 
party  to  put  the  argument  for  that  polity  into  cogent 
as  well  as  conciliatory  form.  His  book  of  nearly 
eight  hundred  pages,  entitled  "The  Due  right  of 
Presbyteries,"  ^  and  a  volume  by  Rev.  John  Paget, 
"A  Defence  of  Chvrch  Government  exercised  in 
Presbyteriall,  Classicall  &  Synodical  Assemblies," 
were  deemed  by  our  New  England  Congregationalists 
deserving  of  answer ;  and  notwithstanding  Cotton's 
*'  Keyes "  came  out  about  contemporaneously  with 
Rutherford's  volume,  a  more  explicit  rejoinder  to  the 
Presbyterian  treatises  was  deemed  expedient.  The 
task  of  replying  to  Rutherford  appears  to  have  been 
assigned  to  Mr.  Hooker,  and  the  answer  to  Paget 
to  Mr.  Davenport.  The  result  of  this  partition  of 
labor  was  the  production  of  the  two  volumes,  —  Dav- 
enport's "  Power  of  Congregational  Churches,"  and 
Mr.  Hooker's  "Survey  of  the  Summe  of  Church- 
Discipline." 

These  books  had  a  curious  history.  At  a  meeting 
held  at  Cambridge,  July  i,  1645,  "  ^^^  elders  of  the 
churches  through  all  the  United  Colonies  .  .  .  con- 
ferred their  councils  and  examined  the  writings  which 
some  of  them  had  prepared,"  —  these  of  Hooker 
and  Davenport  among  the  number,  —  "  which  being 
agreed  and  perfected  were  sent  over  into  England 
to  be  printed."  2 

1  London,  1644.  ^  Winthrop,  ii  304. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  141 

This  is  Winthrop's  contemporaneous  account  of  what 
the  meeting  concluded  upon.  The  books  of  Hooker 
and  Davenport  were  not  however  apparently  fully 
completed,  and  in  point  of  fact  were  not  sent  till  the 
January  following.  They  were  then  despatched  in  a 
vessel  sailing  from  New  Haven,  which  was  lost  at  sea 
and  was  never  heard  of  after ;  save  in  that  spectral 
phantom  of  a  ship  which  two  years  and  five  months 
later  appeared  sailing  into  New  Haven  harbor,  and 
which  presently,  in  the  sight  of  a  crowd  of  witnesses, 
vanished  into  smoke.  This  vision  Mr.  Davenport 
declared  had  been  given  for  the  quieting  of  the  hearts 
of  those  who  wondered  where  the  lost  vessel  and  its 
precious  conveyance  of  passengers  had  gone.^ 

Convinced  of  the  loss  of  their  manuscripts,  the 
two  authors,  Hooker  and  Davenport,  re-wrote  them ; 
though  Hooker  his  very  reluctantly,  —  as  he  had 
indeed  reluctantly  composed  it  at  the  first,  —  leav- 
ing it  at  last  unfinished,  to  be  sent  over  and  printed 
only  after  his  death.  An  "Epistle  to  the  Reader," 
by  the  hand  of  his  Hartford  friends  Edward  Hop- 
kins and  William  Goodwin  accompanies  the  repro- 
duced treatise,  and  explains  the  circumstances  of  its 
origin. 

Mr.  Hooker's  "  Survey  "  is  a  very  able  presentation 
of  the  early  New  England  view  of  the  church  and  its 
administration,  as  opposed  to  the  Presbyterian  con- 
ception advocated  by  his  distinguished  opponent  the 
Professor  of  Divinity  at  St.  Andrews,  as  well  as  by 

1  Bacon's  Historical  Discourses,  p.  107  ;  Atwater's  New 
Haven  Colony,  pp.  208, 209,  and  Appendix  III.  to  that  volume. 


142  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Samuel  Hudson,  whose  writings  are  also  traversed  in 
Mr.  Hooker's  reply.  The  "  Survey "  suffers,  how- 
ever, in  comparison  with  such  a  book  as  the  reader 
easily  sees  might  have  been  the  product  of  the  same 
pen,  by  the  necessity  the  author's  task  seemed  to 
impose  upon  him,  rather  to  reply  to  Rutherford  in 
minute  detail  than  to  set  forth  a  direct  treatise  of 
his  own  on  the  subject. 

It  was  perhaps  this  controversial  aspect  of  the  mat- 
ter which  made  him  so  reluctant  to  undertake  the 
work  at  first.  He  says  in  the  Preface  of  the  book,  — 
which  from  various  indications  seems  to  have  been 
also  the  preface  of  the  book  which  was  lost  as  well, 
—  "I  can  professe  in  a  word  of  truth  that  against 
mine  own  inclination  and  affection,  I  was  haled  by 
importunity  to  this  so  hard  a  task."  And  his  friends 
Hopkins  and  Goodwin  remark  in  their  Epistle  ac- 
companying the  published  work  :  *'  Some  of  you  are 
not  ignorant  with  what  strength  of  importunity  he  was 
drawn  to  this  present  service,  and  with  what  fear  and 
care  he  attended  it.  The  weight  and  difficultie  of 
the  work  was  duly  apprehended  by  him,  and  he  lookt 
upon  it,  as  somewhat  unsutable  to  a  Pastor,  whose 
head  and  heart  and  hands,  were  full  of  the  imploi- 
ments  of  his  proper  place."  It  is  matter  for  regret 
that  the  task  to  which  Mr.  Hooker  was  thus  ''  haled 
by  importunity  "  involved  to  such  an  extent  the  fol- 
lowing the  track  of  another's  argument,  instead  of 
formulating  —  somewhat  after  the  model  of  Cotton's 
"  Keyes,"  for  example  —  a  treatise  of  church  pohty 
untrammelled  by  the  necessity  of  polemic   analysis 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  143 

and  rejoinder ;  for  that  in  that  case  we  might  have 
had  a  document  unsurpassed  and  probably  unequalled 
in  clear  and  vigorous  statement  of  early  Congrega- 
tional principles  by  any  other  of  New  England  origin, 
this  treatise  as  it  stands,  and  especially  the  Preface, 
abundantly  shows. 

In  this  Preface  occurs  a  kind  of  summary  of  the 
principles  set  forth  in  the  body  of  the  book.  It  is 
a  paragraph  of  importance  in  more  ways  than  one. 
It  not  only  gives  as  succinct  a  presentation  of  Con- 
gregational principles  then  entertained  as  was  ever 
given,  but  it  has  the  additional  interest  and  value  of 
being  a  statement  of  positions  concerning  which  Mr. 
Hooker  says, — 

"  /;/  all  these  I  have  leave  to  prof  esse  the  joint  judge- 
vieiit  of  all  the  Elde7's  icpon  the  river:  Of  New-haven, 
Guilford,  Milford,  Stratford,  Fairfield  :  and  of  most  of 
the  Elders  of  the  Churches  in  the  Bay,  to  whom  I  did 
send  in  particular^  and  did  receive  approbation  fro7n 
the?n,  under  their  hands  :  Of  the  rest  {to  whom  I  could 
not  send)  I  ca?mot  so  affirm  j  but  this  I  ca7i  say^  That  at 
a  common  meeting^  I  was  desired  by  the?n  all,  to  publish 
what  now  I  doP 

On  all  grounds,  therefore,  this  brief  statement  of 
Congregational  principles  formulated  by  Mr.  Hooker 
and  assented  to  by  the  "  elders  of  the  Churches  through 
all  the  United  Colonies,"  ^  requires  a  place  here. 

"  If  the  Reader  shall  demand  how  far  this  way  of 
Church-proceeding  receives  approbation  by  any  common 

1  Doubtless  the  meeting  of  July  i,  1645,  ^^  which  the  agree- 
ment to  reply  to  "many  books  coming  out  of  England"  was 
entered  into  at  Cambridge.     See  ante,  p.  140. 

2  Winthrop,  ii.  304. 


144  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

concurrence  amongst  us:  I  shall  plainly  and  punctually 
expresse  my  self  in  a  word  of  truths  in  these  following 
points,  viz. 

Visible  Saints  are  the  only  true  and  meet  matter, 
whereof  a  visible  Church  should  be  gathered,  and  con- 
foe  deration  is  the  form. 

The  Church  as  Totum  essentiale,  is,  and  ma}'  be,  before 
Officers. 

There  is  no  Presbyteriall  Church  (/.  e.  A  Church  made 
up  of  the  Elders  of  many  Congregations  appointed  Clas- 
sickwise,  to  rule  all  those  Congregations)  in  the  N.  T. 

A  Church  Congregationall  is  the  first  subject  of  the 
keys. 

Each  Congregation  compleatly  constituted  of  all  Offi* 
cers,  hath  sufficient  power  in  her  self,  to  exercise  the 
power  of  the  keyes,  and  all  Church  discipline,  in  all  the 
censures  thereof. 

Ordination  is  not  before  election. 

There  ought  to  be  no  ordination  of  a  Minister  at 
large,  Na?nely,  such  as  should  make  him  Pastour  with- 
out a  People. 

The  election  of  the  people  hath  an  instrumental!  causal! 
vertue  under  Christ,  to  give  an  outward  call  unto  an 
Officer. 

Ordination  is  only  a  solemn  installing  of  an  Officer  into 
the  Office,  unto  which  he  was  formerly  called. 

Children  of  such,  who  are  members  of  Congregations, 
ought  only  to  be  baptized. 

The  consent  of  the  people  gives  a  causal!  vertue  to  the 
compleating  of  the  sentence  of  excommunication. 

Whilst  the  Church  remains  a  true  Church  of  Christ,  it 
doth  not  loose  this  power,  nor  can  it  lawfully  be  taken 
away. 

Consociation  of  Churches  should  be  used,  as  occasion 
doth  require. 

Such  consociations  and  Synods  have  allowance  to  coun- 
sel! and  admonish  other  Churches,  as  the  case  may  require. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  I45 

And  if  they  grow  obstinate  in  errour  or  sinfull  miscar- 
riages, they  should  renounce  the  right  hand  of  fellowship 
with  them. 

But  they  have  no  power  to  excommunicate. 

Nor  do  their  constitutions  binde  formalit^r  &  juridice." 

The  elaborate  volume  from  whose  preface  the 
above  extract  is  quoted  was  finally  published  in  1648, 
and  remains  a  monument  of  its  author's  most  remark- 
able learning  and  great  dialectic  skill.  The  first  two 
of  the  Parts  into  which  the  treatise  is  divided  —  "  Ec- 
clesiastical! Policie  Defined,"  and  "The  Church  con- 
sidered as  it  is  coj'pus  Organiciim''^  —  are  wrought 
out  prbbably  with  about  the  fulness  of  the  copy  lost 
at  sea.  The  other  two  —  "  Of  the  Government  of 
the  Church,"  and  "  Concerning  Synods,"  —  and  espe- 
cially the  latter  of  them,  are  wholly  incomplete,  and 
would  doubtless  have  been  much  amplified  and  illus- 
trated had  the  author  lived  to  finish  the  re-writing 
of  his  book.  The  argument,  however,  is  clear 
throughout,  and  the  subtlety  and  strength  of  the  pre- 
sentation of  the  case  for  the  Congregational  Way,  as 
held  by  the  early  fathers  of  New  England,  entitle  the 
"  Survey  "  to  all,  at  least,  of  the  honour  it  has  ever 
received  as  an  authoritative  exposition  of  the  views 
in  church  government  which  it  learnedly  and  power- 
fully maintains. 

Before  the  re-writing  of  the  books  of  Hooker  and 
Davenport   was    attempted,    however,  —  and    indeed 
■  perhaps  before  their  authors  were  perfectly  assured 
of  the  loss  of  the  first  copies  made,  —  the  danger  of 
the  subversion  of  the  ecclesiastical  usages  of  the  col- 
ic 


146  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

onies  seemed  so  imminent  that  the  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts, in  May,  1646,  moved  for  a  general  synod, 
*'  to  discusse,  dispute  &  cleare  up  by  the  word  of  God, 
such  questions  of  Church  governm'  &  discipline  "  as 
had  been  before  spoken  of,  and  others,  "  as  they  shall 
thinke  needful  &  meete  ;  "  and  invited  the  ministers 
and  churches  of  '*  Plimoth,  Connecticott  &  Newe- 
Haven,"  on  the  same  terms  of  "  lib''ty  &  pow'  of  dis- 
puting and  voting "  as  the  Massachusetts  ministers 
and  messengers.^  The  proposition  was  received  with 
general  acceptance,  though  with  demurrer  on  the  part 
of  the  Boston,  Salem,  and  Hingham  churches,  as 
a  trespass  of  the  civil  authority  upon  the  ecclesias- 
tical domain.^  But  most  of  them  finally  withdrew 
opposition,  and  the  ist  of  September  found  all  but 
four  of  the  Massachusetts  churches,  and  a  consid- 
erable number  of  those  from  the  other  colonies,  in 
session  at  Cambridge,  in  what  is  now  called,  by  way 
of  pre-eminence,  the  Cambridge  Synod,  —  the  best 
remembered  of  all  the  early  New  England  assemblies, 
and  from  which  the  well-known  Platform  of  church- 
polity  receives  its  name.  Mr.  Hooker,  however,  was 
not  there.  His  colleague,  Mr.  Stone  the  Teacher, 
was  present,  and  Deacon  Edward  Stebbins,  a  delegate 
of  the  church ;  but  the  Pastor  was  absent.  He  had 
written  his  son-in-law,  Thomas  Shepard,  the  month 
before  :  — 

"  My  yeares  and  infirmityes  grow  so  fast  vpon  me,  yt 
wholly  disenable  me  to  so  long  a  journey ;  and  because 
1  cannot  come  myself,  I  provoke  as  many  elders  as  I  can 

^  Mass.  Col.  Rec,  ii,  155.         '^  Winthrop,  ii.  329-332. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  147 

to  lend  their  help  and  presence.     The  Lord  Christ  be  in 
the  midest  among  you  by  his  guidance  and  blessing." 

Mr.  Hooker  had  made  the  journey  from  Hartford 
to  Boston  on  public  business  four  times  certainly, 
and  probably  more.i  It  was  still  a  roadless  wilder- 
ness, to  be  traversed  only  on  horseback,  with  a 
nightly  encampment  on  the  ground,  under  the  open 
skies,  by  the  way.  It  is  not  strange  that  though 
interested  in  the  synod,  he  shrank  from  the  repeated 
pilgrimages. 

The  synod  continued  in  session  at  its  first  gath- 
ering only  a  fortnight.  It  appointed  three  of  its 
members  to  draw  up  a  Scriptural  Model  of  Church- 
government,  and  adjourned  to  June  8  of  the  fol- 
lowing year.  Mr.  Shepard  wrote  to  his  father-in-law, 
giving  account  of  discussions  arising  in  the  synod 
about  the  extent  of  synodical  authority,  and  the 
power  of  magistrates  in  summoning  such  assemblies. 
The  report  received  from  his  correspondent  induced 
the  ever  democratically-incHned  author  of  the  "  Sur- 
vey" to  write  concerning  the  first  of  the  two 
points :  — 

"  I  renew  thanks  for  the  letter  and  copy  of  the  passages 
at  the  synod.  I  wish  ther  be  not  a  misunderstanding  of 
some  things  by  some,  or  that  the  bynding  power  of  synods 
be  not  pressed  too  much :  for,  I  speake  it  only  to  yourself, 
he  that  adventures  far  in  that  business  will  fynd  hott  and 
hard  work,  or  else  my  perspective  may  fayle,  which  I 
confesse  it  may  be." 

•  In  August,  1637;  in  May,  1639;  in  September,  1643;  ^"^ 
July,  1645.     See  Winthrop,  i.  281,  360;  ii,  165,  304. 


148      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

A  comparison  of  these  expressions  with  the  Re- 
sult ^  of  tliis  preUminary  session,  agreed  to  "  thus  far 
onely,  That  they  should  be  commended  unto  more 
serious  consideration  against  the  next  Meeting,"  may 
perhaps  indicate  that  some  jealousy  as  to  synodical 
authority  was  justifiable. 

On  the  other  point,  however,  —  of  the  magistrate's 
power  in  calling  a  synod,  —  Mr.  Hooker  writes  to 
Shepard  :  — 

"  I  fynd  Mr.  Rutherford  and  Apollonius  to  give  some- 
what sparingly  to  the  place  of  the  magistrate,  to  putt  forth 
power  in  the  calling  of  synods,  wherein  I  perceive  they 
goe  crosse  to  some  of  our  most  serious  and  iudicious 
writers." 

This  implies  the  same  view  which  Mr.  Hooker 
maintained  in  his  "Survey"  on  this  matter,  where  he 
advocates  the  right  of  civil  authority  in  summoning 
ecclesiastical  assemblies.  Democratic  as  Mr.  Hooker 
was,  he  had  not,  nevertheless,  arrived  at  the  modern 
conception  of  the  separate  prerogatives  of  Church 
and  State  ;  and  his  doctrines  on  this  matter  of  magis- 
terial power  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  might  have  been, 
and  probably  were,  a  few  years  after  his  death  quoted 
in  justification  of  a  long  series  of  meddlesome  inter- 
ferences of  the  General  Court  of  the  colony  with  the 
concerns  of  his  own  distracted  church. 

The  synod  re-assembled,  according  to  adjournment, 
in  June,  1 64  7,  but  was  almost  immediately  forced  to 

1  Result  of  a  Synod  at  Cambridge  in  New  England,  anno 
1646,  pp.  63-66. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  149 

adjourn  again  by  reason  of  an  ''  epidemical  sickness  " 
wliich  prevailed  over  the  whole  country  among  Indians 
and  English,  French  and  Dutch. ^ 

Mr.  Hooker  was  one  of  the  victims  of  the  disease. 
His  colleague,  Mr.  Stone,  arrived  home  from  the  dis- 
persed synod  in  season  to  see  him  die.  He  wrote  to 
Mr.  Shepard,  under  date  of  July  19,  1647  :  — 

Dearest  Brother,  God  brought  us  safely  to  Hart- 
ford, but  when  I  came  hither  God  presented  me  a  sad  spec- 
tacle. M^  Hooker  looked  Hke  a  dying  man.  God  refused 
to  heare  our  prayers  for  him,  but  tooke  him  from  vs  July 
7  a  little  before  sunne-set.  Our  sunne  is  set,  our  light  is 
eclipsed,  our  ioy  is  darkened,  we  remember  now  in  the 
daye  of  our  calamitie  the  pleasant  things  which  we  en- 
ioyed  in  former  times.  His  spirits  &  head  were  so  op- 
pressed with  the  disease  that  he  was  not  able  to  expresse 
much  to  vs  in  his  sicknesse,  but  had  exprest  to  Mr.  Good- 
win before  my  returne  that  his  peace  was  made  in  heaven 
&  had  continued  30  years  without  alteration,  he  was 
aboue  Satan.  Marke  the  vpright  man  for  the  end  of  that 
man  is  peace!  He  lived  a  most  blameless  life.  I  thinke 
his  greatest  enemies  cannot  charge  him.  He  hath  done 
much  work  for  Christ,  &  now  rests  from  his  labours  &  his 
workes  follow  him,  but  our  losse  is  great  &  bitter.  My 
losse  is  bitter.  .  .  .  M'"  Hooker  was  taken  with  the  same 
sicknesse  that  night  when  I  came  to  Hartford,  &  was 
very  neer  death,  she  is  yet  weak  but  I  hope  recouering. 
It  would  haue  been  a  great  aggravation  of  our  miserie  if 

1  The  synod  gathered  for  the  third  time,  August  15,  1648, 
and  after  a  fortnight's  discussion  adopted  the  Platform  substan- 
tially drafted  by  one  of  its  three  members  designated  for  the 
purpose  at  its  first  meeting,  —  Rev.  Richard  Mather,  of  Dor- 
chester. The  principles  of  the  Cambridge  Platform  are  too 
familiar  to  need  explication  here. 


150  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

God  had  blotted  out  all  that  pleasant  familee  at  once. 
Little  Sam:  Shepard  is  well  ^  .  .  . 

We  shall  do  what  we  can  to  prepare  Mr.  Hookers 
answer  to  Rutterford,  that  it  may  be  sent  before  winter 
...  If  I  have  the  whole  winter  you  may  think  whether 
it  be  not  comely  for  you  &  myself  &  some  other  elders 
to  make  a  few  verses  for  Mr.  Hooker  &  inscribe  them 
in  the  begin?  of  his  book,^  as  if  they  had*  been  his  funeral 
verses.     I  do  but  propound  it. 

fr:  t:  S.  Stone.8 

Mather  gathers  up  and  records  several  more  or 
less  authentic  incidents  of  Mr.  Hooker's  last  hours, 
which  may  as  well  be  given  here  as  found  in  the 
"  Magnalia  "  : '*  — 

"  In  the  time  of  his  sickness  he  did  not  say  much  to 
the  standers  by;  but  being  asked,  that  he  would  utter  his 
apprehensions  about  some  important  things,  especially 
about  the  state  of  New-England^  he  answered,  /  have 
not  that  work  now  to  do j  I  have  already  declared  the 
coujisel  of  the  Lord:  and  when  one  that  stood  weeping 
by  the  bedside  said  unto  him.  Sir,  you  are  going  to  re- 
ceive the  reward  of  all  your  labours^  he  replied,  Brother, 
I  am  going  to  receive  mercy  /  At  last  he  closed  his  own 
eyes  with  his  own  hands,  and  gently  stroaking  his  own 
forehead,  with  a  smile  in  his  countenance,  he  gave  a  little 
groan,  and  so  expired  his  blessed  soul  into  the  arms  of 
his  fellow  servants,  the  holy  angels,  on  July  7,  1647." 

1  Mr.  Hooker's  grandson  by  his  daughter  Susannah,  Mr. 
Shepard's  wife. 

2  This  was  done  with  more  friendship  than  poetic  fire,  and 
verses  by  Stone,  Cotton,  and  Rogers  were  printed,  with  the 
letter  of  Hopkins  and  Goodwin,  in  the  "  Survey/' which  was 
published  in  1648. 

3  4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  544-546. 
*  Magnalia,  i.  317. 


IN  CONNECTICUT.  151 

His  age  was  sixty-one  years.  He  died,  it  is  be- 
lieved, on  the  anniversary  of  his  birth.  He  made  a 
will  ^  the  day  he  died,  in  which  he  left  directions  for 
the  guidance  of  his  household  and  for  the  custody 
and  publication  of  his  manuscripts ;  intrusting  his 
'■'•  beloued  frends,  Mr.  Edward  Hopkins  and  Mr. 
William  Goodwyn  "  with  the  care  of  the  "  education 
and  dispose  "  of  his  children  and  the  management  of 
his  estate. 

As  was  natural,  the  death  of  so  eminent  a  leader  of 
the  little  Commonwealth  prompted  the  remembrance 
by  survivors  of  portents  and  supernatural  tokens 
of  it.  The  event  occurred  in  the  mid-season  of  a 
pestilential  summer,  when  languor  and  oppression  in 
the  probably  crowded  and  ill-ventilated  meeting- 
house might  have  been  expected.  But  looking  back 
upon  it,  — 

"  Some  of  his  most  observant  hearers  observed  an  aston- 
ishing sort  of  a  cloud  \x\  his  congregation,  the  last  Lord's 
day  of  his  publick  ministry,  when  he  also  administred 
the  Lord's  Supper  among  them ;  and  a  most  unaccountable 
heaviness  and  sleepiness,  even  in  the  most  watchftd 
christians  of  the  place,  not  unlike  the  drowsiness  of  the 
disciples,  when  our  Lord  was  going  to  die  ;  for  which,  one 
of  the  elders  publickly  rebuked  them.  When  those  de- 
vout people  afterwards  perceived  that  this  was  the  last 
sermon  and  sacrament  wherein  they  were  to  have  the 
presence  of  the  pastor  with  them,  't  is  inexpressible  how 
much  they  bewailed  their  unattentiveness  unto  his  fare- 
wel  dispensations ;  and  some  of  them  could  enjoy  no  peace 
in  their  own  souls,  until  they  had  obtained  leave  of  the 

1  Appendix  T. 


152  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

ciders  to  confess  before  the  whole  congregation  with  many 
tears,  that  inadvertency."  i 

The  blow  was  indeed  a  great  one,  and  felt  not  alone 
in  the  Connecticut  Colony.  Some  sense  of  its  impor- 
tance to  the  whole  group  of  cisatlantic  settlements 
is  expressed  in  the  simple,  noble  language  of  Gover- 
nor Winthrop  in  his  account  of  the  pestilence  of  that 
disastrous  summer  :  ^  — 

"That  which  made  the  stroke  more  sensible  and 
grievous,  both  to  them  [of  Connecticut]  and  to  all  the 
country,  was  the  death  of  that  faithful  servant  of  the 
Lord,  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker,  pastor  of  the  church  in 
Hartford,  who,  for  piety,  prudence,  wisdom,  zeal,  learn- 
ing, and  what  else  might  make  him  serviceable  in  the 
place  and  time  he  lived  in,  might  be  compared  with  men 
of  greatest  note ;  and  he  shall  need  no  other  praise :  the 
fruits  of  his  labors  in  both  Englands  shall  preserve  an 
honorable  and  happy  remembrance  of  him  forever." 

This  wise  and  eloquent  eulogy,  written  in  the  pages 
of  a  personal  diary  with  no  thought  of  public  repro- 
duction in  a  biography  of  the  man  whom  the  large- 
hearted  Massachusetts  governor  loved  and  honoured 
above  all  differences  which  had  ever  risen  between 
them,  needs  no  amplification. 

No  portrait  or  even  minute  description  of  Mr. 
Hooker's  physical  appearance  remains.  The  impres- 
sion gained  from  the  various  references  to  him  leaves 
upon  the  mind,  however,  the  imagination  of  a  figure 

1  Magnalia,  i.  317. 

2  Winthrop,  ii.  378. 


TN  CONNECTICUT.  153 

of  dignity  and  something  of  command.^  He  is  al- 
ways spoken  of  by  contemporary  and  by  nearly  suc- 
ceeding writers  with  marked  respect  and  veneration. 
He  is  said  ^  to  have  been  "  a  man  of  a  cholerick  dis- 
position," which  one  can  easily  conjecture  from  the 
fervour  of  his  oratorical  temperament  and  the  frequent 
vehemency  of  his  rhetoric.  But  the  same  authority 
which  affirms  his  possession  of  a  fiery  spirit  says 
also  ^  that  "  he  had  ordinarily  as  much  government  of 
his  choler,  as  a  man  has  of  a  mastiff  dog  in  a  chain  \ 
he  could  let  out  his  dog^  and  pull  in  his  dog,  as 
he  pleased'  "  Eulogiums  of  his  benevolence,  of  his 
patience,  his  humility,  as  well  as  of  his  practical 
sagacity  and  wisdom  in  the  management  of  the  affairs 
of  his  own  and  of  the  neighbouring  churches,  are  pre- 
served on  various  pages  of  the  pedantic  writer  to 
whom,  with  all  his  faults  and  not  infrequent  inaccu- 
racies, we  are  indebted  for  so  much  that  would  be 
otherwise  unknown,  not  only  of  Hooker,  but  of  most 
of  the  fathers  of  our  New  England  history.  One 
interesting  and  suggestive  illustration  of  this  practical 
and  kindly  wisdom  in  the  management  of  the  con- 
cerns of  his  own  church  must  conclude  our  chapter : 

"  As  for  ecclesiastical  censures,  he  was  very  watchful 
to  prevent  all  proceedures  unto  them,  as  far  as  was  con- 
sistent with  the  rules  of  our  Lord ;  for  which  cause  (ex- 

1  This  impression  is  well  realized  in  the  full-length  statue 
ordered  by  the  State  of  Connecticut  for  erection  in  the  State 
Capitol,  a  representation  of  which  constitutes  the  frontispiece 
of  this  volume. 

2  Magnalia,  1.  313.  ^  Ibid. 


154      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

cept  in  grosser  abominations)  when  offences  happened, 
he  did  his  utmost,  that  the  notice  thereof  might  be  ex- 
tended no  further  than  it  was  when  they  first  were  laid 
before  him ;  and  having  reconciled  the  offenders  with 
sensible  and  convenient  acknowledgements  of  their  mis- 
carriages, he  would  let  the  notice  thereof  be  confined  unto 
such  as  were  aforehand  therewith  acquainted ;  and  hence 
there  was  but  one  person  admonished  in,  and  but  one 
person  excommunicated  from  the  church  of  Hartford^  in 
all  the  fourteen  years,  that  Mr.  Hooker  lived  there."  ••• 

1  Magualia,  i.  316,  317. 


HIS   WRITINGS  15s 


VII. 
THOMAS   hooker's   WRITINGS. 

'T  was  of  Geneva/is  Worthies  said,  with  wonder, 
(Those  Worthies  Three)  Farel/ -was  wont  to  thunder; 
Viref,  like  Rain,  on  tender  grasse  to  shower, 
But  Ca/vin,  lively  Oracles  to  pour. 

All  these  in  Hookers  spirit  did  remain  : 

A  Sonne  of  Thunder,  and  a  Shower  of  Rain, 

A  pourer-forth  of  lively  Oracles, 

In  saving  souls,  the  summe  of  miracles. 

John  Cotton's  Elegy, 

With  the  single  exception  of  the  ^*  Survey  of  the 
Summe  of  Church  Discipline,"  spoken  of  in  the  last 
chapter,  Mr.  Hooker  was  not  in  primary  purpose  an 
author  of  books.  Of  his  published  writings  some  thirty 
titles  are  indeed  extant.^  Yet  all  these  volumes,  with 
the  exception  of  the  one  on  Church  Polity,  to  whose 
composition  he  had  been  "  haled  by  importunity," 
were  at  first  discourses,  whose  original  and  main  use 
was  oral  delivery,  and  whose  chief  object  was  the  im- 
mediately practical  one  of  impressing,  convincing,  and 
persuading  the  hearers  of  his  voice. 

Some  of  these  discourses  were  apparently  printed 
from  notes  taken  down  by  hearers  of  his  Lectures  at 
Chelmsford,  or  possibly  still  earher  at  Emmanuel ;  and 

1  Appendix  II. 


156  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

even  of  others,  concerning  which  we  have  the  assur- 
ance that  they  are  "  as  they  were  penned  under  his 
own  hand,"  or  "  printed  from  his  own  papers  written 
with  his  own  hand,"  ^  we  have  no  tokens  of  editorial 
revision  by  himself,  and  little  of  any  intention  in  their 
composition  that  they  should  be  printed  at  all.  All 
his  books  —  unless  ''The  Poore  Doubting  Christian  " 
be  a  possible  exception  —  being  published  in  Eng- 
land, either  during  his  exile  in  Holland,  his  residence 
in  America,  or  after  his  death,  he  saw  none  of  them 
through  the  press ;  and  though  authorizing  the 
issue  of  some  of  them,  imparted  to  none  the  benefit 
of  an  author's  customary  review  of  the  printed  page. 
One  of  them  —  "The  Saints  Dignitie  and  Dutie," 
published  in  1651 — was  compiled  by  his  son-in-law, 
Shepard ;  two  or  three  others  —  as  "A  Comment 
upon  Christs  Last  Prayer,"  published  in  1656,  and 
"The  Application  of  Redemption,"  published  in 
1659  —  were  issued  under  the  prefatory  supervision  of 
Rev.  Thomas  Goodwin  and  Rev.  Philip  Nye  ;  and  some 
in  all  probability  were  printed  from  copies  of  Mr. 
Hooker's  discourses  made  by  Rev.  John  Higginson, 
of  Guilford,  who  is  said  ^  to  have  "  transcribed  from 
his  manuscripts  near  two  hundred  of  these  excellent 
sermons  which  were  sent  over  into  England  that 
they  might  be  published ;  but  by  what  means  I  know 
not,  scarce  half  of  them  have  seen  the  light  unto  this 

1  See  Goodwin  and  Nye's  preface,  and  the  publisher's  an- 
nouncement to  the  "  Comment  upon  Christs  Last  Prayer  "  and 
"The  Application  of  Redemption." 

'^  Magnalia,  i.  315. 


HIS   WRITINGS.  157 

day."  Several  of  the  volumes  are  altogether  anony- 
mous,—  a  fact  itself  suggestive  of  the  surreptitious  use 
and  publication  of  the  materials  of  which  they  were 
compiled. 

But  though  there  is  some  diversity  in  the  details  of 
style  and  finish,  such  as  this  variety  of  manner  in  the 
appearance  of  the  volumes  would  suggest,  the  family 
likeness  is  unmistakable.  They  obvdously  came,  what- 
ever verbal  blemish  may  attach  to  them,  from  the 
same   mind  and  pen. 

Mr.  Hooker  was  regarded  by  his  associates  — 
themselves  men  of  great  learning  —  as  a  learned  man  ; 
and  indications  of  the  fact  come  out  distinctly  in  his 
"Survey,"  and,  in  an  exegetical  way,  to  some  extent 
in  his  discourses.  But  one  looks  in  vain  in  his  writ- 
ings, as  in  the  writings  of  his  Puritan  contemporaries 
generally,  for  any  apparent  knowledge  of  current 
secular  literature.  The  poets  of  the  Elizabethan  pe- 
riod find  not  the  slightest  token  of  existence  in  his 
pages.  Shakspeare  died  in  Hooker's  university  days ; 
Bacon  while  he  was  preaching  at  Chelmsford  ;  but  nei- 
ther the  poetry  of  the  one  nor  the  philosophy  of  the 
other,  nor  the  literature  which  either  of  them  stood  in 
any  wise  the  representative  of,  apparently  came  in  the 
least  degree  within  the  ken  of  Hooker,  any  more 
than  they  did  within  the  ken  of  most  of  his  associates 
in  the  Puritan  ministry  of  his  time.  Even  the  litera- 
ture of  the  Prayer-book,  with  which  they  must  have 
been  famihar  from  childhood,  is  almost  unreflected  in 
their  pages. 

Of  the  graces  of  a  literary  style,  therefore,  Hooker 


158      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

must  not  be  looked  to  as  an  illustrator.  He  himself 
says,  in  the  preface  to  his  '*  Survey,"  what  is  applica- 
ble to  all  his  writings  :  — 

"  As  it  is  beyond  my  skill,  so  I  professe  it  is  beyond 
my  care  to  please  the  nicenesse  of  men's  palates  with  any  | 
quaintnesse  of  language.  They  who  covet  more  sauce 
then  meate,  they  must  provide  cooks  to  their  minde.  .  .  . 
The  substance  and  solidity  of  the  frame  is  that  which 
pleaseth  the  builder,  it  is  the  painters  work  to  provide 
varnish." 

This  disclaimer  is  in  Hooker's  genuine  style.  It  is 
itself  an  illustration  of  that  homely  vigour  and  vivacity 
which  made  his  pulpit  utterances  so  arrestive  of  the 
most  wandering  or  antagonistic  attention,  and  makes 
the  faded  pages  of  his  printed  books  frequently  so 
lively  and  picturesque. 

As  to  the  mass  of  his  writings,  they  are  —  laying 
aside  the  "Sur\'ey"  —  essentially  on  one  theme. 
They  are  a  body,  not  of  doctrinal,  but  of  experimental 
divinity.  The  discourses  of  which  they  are  com- 
posed are  said  to  have  been,^  and  it  is  inherently 
probable  that  they  were,  the  result  of  repeated  preach- 
ings and  lecturings  upon  the  experimental  aspects  of 
religion,  first  at  Cambridge  when  he  lectured  at  Em- 
manuel, afterward  at  Esher  and  Chelmsford,  and  sub- 
sequently in  America.  He  went  over  the  ground 
again  and  again  with  marvellous  minuteness  and  ful- 
ness of  detail.  His  volumes  are,  when  collected  into 
their  organic  relationship,  a  development  of  what  he 
conceived  to  be  the  soul's  way  of  seeking,  finding, 

1  Magnaha,  i.  314. 


HIS   WRITINGS.  159 

and  enjoying  Christ.  Their  titles,  whether  his  own 
or  given  by  others,  distinctly  indicate  this  recognized 
purpose  running  through  them.  "  The  Soules  Prepa- 
ration for  Christ,"  "The  Soules  Humiliation,"  "The 
Soules  Vocation,"  "The  Soules  Justification,"  "The 
Soules  Implantation,"  "  The  Soules  Vnion  with  Christ," 
"The  Soules  Benefit  from  Vnion  with  Christ,"  "The 
Saints  Dignitie  and  Dutie,"  —  these,  among  others, 
show  clearly  the  track  along  which  he  moved. 

It  is  the  line  of  thought  followed  rather  by  the 
pastor  than  the  theologian.  The  robustest  Calvin- 
istic  system  of  theology  is  everywhere  implied  and 
incidentally  expressed  in  these  discourses,  but  the 
statement  of  a  system  of  theology  is  in  none  of  them, 
or  all  of  them,  an  aim.  The  aim  is  the  persuasion 
of  men ;  and  to  this  purpose  the  preacher  brings  a 
fecundity  of  conception,  a  power  of  spiritual  anatomy, 
an  amplitude  and  variousness  of  illustration,  and  an 
energy  of  utterance  truly  wonderful.  Especially 
striking  is  this  anatomic  skill  in  dealing  with  the 
moral  phenomena  at  that  time  so  generally  ante- 
cedent to,  or  attendant  upon,  conversion.  To  most 
modern  readers  the  proportion  will  seem  excessive 
which  Mr.  Hooker  gives  to  the  experiences  of  the  soul 
in  mere  "  preparation  "  for  conversion.  He  has  vol- 
umes on  these  preliminary  exercises  of  the  spirit  be- 
fore it  gets  to  the  point  of  trust  in  Christ.  He  laid 
himself  open,  even  while  he  lived,  to  the  remark  of 
the  shrewd  Rev.  Nathaniel  Ward,  of  Ipswich  :  "  Mr. 
Hooker,  you  make  as  good  Christians  before  men  are 
in  Christ  as  ever  they  are  after ;  would  I  were  but  as 


i6o      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

good  a  Christian  now  as  you  make  men  while  they 
are  but  preparing  for  Christ."  ^ 

Mr.  Hooker's  course  in  this  respect  was  probably 
extreme  even  for  his  time.  But  in  those  days  of  re- 
coil from  the  outward  ceremonial  religion  in  which 
the  Papacy  had  so  long  held  men,  the  inward  facts  of 
personal  experience  were  made  the  subject  of  the 
most  careful  scrutiny  and  dissection.  Especially  all 
the  evasions  and  windings  of  the  human  spirit  in  re- 
coil from  the  stern  presentations  made  of  the  sov- 
ereignty and  righteousness  of  God.  were  followed  with 
microscopic  acuteness  and  pitilessness  of  exposure. 
Conversion  was  a  great  thing  and  a  difficult  thing. 
It  was  **not  a  little  mercy  that  will  serve  the 
turne  .  .  .  the  Lord  will  make  all  crack  before  thou 
shalt  finde  mercy."  ^  Mr.  Hooker's  son-in-law,  the 
"saintly"  Thomas  Shepard,  put  the  matter  thus  in 
his  "Sincere  Convert":  "Jesus  Christ  is  not  got 
with  a  wet  finger.  ...  It  is  a  tough  work,  a  wonder- 
full  hard  matter  to  be  saved."  ^  And  again  :  "  'T  is  a 
thousand  to  one  if  ever  thou  bee  one  of  that  small 
number  whom  God  hath  picked  out  to  escape  this 
wrath  to  come."  ^  • 

Holding  these  views  of  the  immense  difficulty  of 
saving  conversion,  the  vast  liability  to  deception  about 
it,  together  with  the  infinite  misery  of  failure  in  the 
enterprise,  it  is  not  strange  that  the  whole  process  of 
the  spiritual  enterprise  should  have  been  tried  as  by 

1  Giles  Firmin's  Real  Christian,  p.  19. 

2  Hooker's  The  Soules  Preparation,  pp.  9,  10. 

3  Shepard's  Sincere  Convert,  p.  1 50.  *  Ibid.  p.  98. 


HIS   WRITINGS.  l6l 

fire.  As  specimens  of  this  kind  of  endeavour  Hook- 
er's writings  are  unsurpassed.  Of  this  feature  of  his 
teachings,  as  well  as  of  others  which  will  afford  a 
more  general  view  of  his  spirit  and  method  as  a 
preacher,  the  best  conception  will  be  gained  by  some 
quotations  from  his  books. 

In  "  The  Soules  Preparation  for  Christ,"  the 
preacher  is  arguing  on  the  necessity  of  a  clear  view  of 
a  man's  sinfulness,  and  says  :  ^  — 

"  First  it  is  not  every  sight  of  sinne  will  serve  the 
turne,  nor  every  apprehension  of  a  mans  vilenesse  ;  but 
it  must  have  these  two  properties  in  it,  First,  he  must 
see  sinne  clearely ;  Secondly,  convictingly.  First,  he  that 
will  see  sinne  clearely,  must  see  it  truly  and  fully,  and  be 
able  to  fadome  the  compasse  of  his  corruptions,  and  to 
dive  into  the  depth  of  the  wretchednesse  of  his  vile  heart, 
otherwise  it  wil  befall  a  mans  sinne  as  it  doth  the 
wound  of  a  mans  body :  when  a  man  lookes  into  the 
wound  overly,  and  doth  not  search  it  to  the  bottome,  it 
begins  to  fester  and  rancle,  and  so  in  the  end  he  is  slaine 
by  it;  so  it  is  with  most  sinners,  wee  carry  it  all  away 
with  this,  Wee  are  sinners  ;  and  such  ordinary  confes- 
sions;  but  we  never  see  the  depth  of  the  wound  of  sin; 
and  so  are  slaine  by  our  sinnes.  It  is  not  a  generall, 
slight,  and  confused  sight  of  sinne  that  will  serue  the 
turne :  it  is  not  enough  to  say,  It  is  my  infirmity,  and  I 
cannot  amend  it:  and  wee  are  all  sinners  and  so  forth. 
No,  this  is  the  ground  why  wee  mistake  our  evils  and  re- 
forme  not  our  wayes,  because  we  have  a  slight  and  overly 
sight  of  sinne ;  a  man  must  prove  his  wayes  as  the  Gold- 
smith doth  his  gold  in  the  fire,  a  man  must  search  nar- 
rowly and  have  much  light  to  see  what  the  vilenesse  of  his 

1  The  Soules  Preparation  (1632),  pp.  12-14. 
II 


1 62  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

owne  heart  is,  and  to  see  what  his  sinnes  are,  that  doe 
procure  the  wrath  of  God  against  him.  .  .  .  We  must 
looke  on  the  nature  of  sinne  in  the  venome  of  it,  the 
deadly  hurtful!  nature  that  it  hath  for  plagues  and  mis- 
eries, it  doth  procure  to  our  soules  ;  and  that  you  may 
doe,  partly  if  you  compare  it  with  other  things,  and 
partly  if  you  looke  at  it  in  regard  of  yourselves  :  First, 
compare  sinne  with  those  things  that  are  most  fearefull 
and  horrible  ;  As  suppose  any  soule  here  present  were  to 
behold  the  damned  in  hell,  and  if  the  Lord  should  give 
thee  a  httle  peepe-hole  into  hell,  that  thou  didst  see  the 
horror  of  those  damned  soules,  and  thy  heart  begins  to 
shake  in  consideration  thereof ;  then  propound  this  to  thy 
owne  heart,  what  paines  the  damned  in  hell  doe  endure 
for  sinne,  and  thy  heart  will  shake  and  quake  at  it,  the 
least  sinne  that  ever  thou  didst  commit,  though  thou  mak- 
est  a  light  matter  of  it,  is  a  greater  evill  then  the  paines 
of  the  damned  in  hell,  setting  aside  their  sinne  ;  all  the 
torments  in  hell  are  not  so  great  an  evil,  as  the  least  sin 
is :  men  begin  to  shrink  at  this,  and  loathe  to  goe  down 
to  hell,  and  to  be  in  endlesse  torments." 

But  such  a  thorough  sight  of  sin  is  needful  to  a 
thorough  work  of  grace  ;  for  i  — 

"Many  have  gone  a  great  way  in  the  worke  of  hu- 
miliation, and  yet  because  it  never  went  through  to  the 
quicke,  they  have  gone  backe  againe,  and  become  vile  as 
ever  they  were  ;  I  have  known  men,  that  tlxe  Lord  hath 
layed  a  heavie  burthen  upon  them,  and  awakened  their  con- 
sciences, and  driven  them  to  a  desperate  extremity,  and 
yet  after  much  anguish,  and  many  resolutions,  and  the 
prizing  of  Christ,  as  they  conceived,  and  after  the  re- 
nouncing of  all,  to  take  Christ  upon  his  owne  termes  as 
they  imagined  ;  and  even  these  when  they  have  bin  eased 

1  The  Soules  Preparation  (1632),  pp.  150-152. 


HIS  WRITINGS.  163 

and  refreshed,  and  God  hath  taken  off  the  trouble,  they 
have  come  to  be  as  crosse  to  God  and  all  goodnesse,  and 
as  full  of  hatred  to  Gods  children  as  ever  and  worse  too. 

"  Now  why  did  these  fall  away  ?  Why  were  they 
never  Justified  and  Sanctified  ?  and  why  did  they  never 
come  to  beleeve  in  the  Lord  Jesus  ?  The  reason  is,  be- 
cause their  hearts  were  never  pierced  for  their  sinne, 
they  were  never  kindly  loosened  from  it ;  this  is  the 
meaning  of  that  place  in  ler.^  Plow  up  the  fallow  ground 
of  your  hearts^  and  sowe  not  a?nong  thornes,  it  is  noth- 
ing else,  but  with  sound  saving  sorrow  to  have  the  heart 
pierced  with  the  terrours  of  the  Law  seising  upon  it,  and 
the  vilenesse  of  sin  wounding  the  conscience  for  it.  The 
heart  of  man  is  compared  to  fallow  ground  that  is  un- 
fruitfull ;  you  must  not  sow  amongst  thornes  and  thistles, 
first  plow  it,  and  lay  it  bare  and  naked,  and  then  cast  in 
your  seed.  If  a  man  plow  here  a  furrow,  and  there  a 
furrow,  and  leave  here  and  there  a  bawke,  hee  is  never 
like  to  have  a  good  crop,  there  will  grow  so  many  thistles 
and  so  much  grasse,  that  it  will  choake  the  seed :  our 
hearts  are  this  ground,  and  our  corruptions  are  these 
thornes  and  thistles  :  Now  if  a  man  be  content  to  finde 
some  sinne  hatefull,  because  it  is  shamefull ;  but  will 
keepe  here  a  lust  and  there  a  lust,  hee  will  never  make 
any  good  husbandry  of  the  heart :  though  a  faithfull  Min- 
ister should  sow  all  the  grace  of  promises  in  his  soule,  he 
would  never  get  any  good  by  them,  but  the  corruptions 
that  remaine  in  the  heart  will  hinder  the  saving  work 
thereof.  Therefore  plow  up  all,  and  by  sound  saving  sor- 
row labour  to  have  thy  heart  burthened  for  sinne,  and 
estranged  from  it,  and  this  is  good  husbandry  indeed." 

But  there  is  great  liability  to  self-deception  about 

this  matter :  — 

"  Oh  doe  not  cozen  your  owne  soules;  it  is  not  the 
teares  of  the  eye,  but  the  blood  of  the  heart  that  your 


1 64  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

sinnes  must  cost,  and  if  you  come  not  to  this,  never 
thinke  that  your  sorrow  is  good.  .  .  .  Now  if  all  be  true 
that  I  have  said,  there  are  but  few  sorrowers  for  sinne, 
therefore  few  saved  ;  here  wee  see  the  ground  and  reason 
why  many  fly  oif  from  Godlinesse,  and  Christianity:  This 
is  the  cause,  their  soules  were  onely  troubled  with  a 
little  hellish  sorrow,  but  their  hearts  were  never  kindly 
grieved  for  their  sinnes.  If  a  mans  arme  be  broken  and 
disjoynted  a  little,  it  may  grow  together  againe  ;  But  if  it 
be  quite  broken  off,  it  cannot  grow  together ;  so  the  ter- 
rour  of  the  Law  affrighted  his  conscience,  and  a  power- 
full  Minister  unjoynted  his  soule,  and  the  Judgements  of 
God  were  rending  of  him ;  but  he  was  never  cut  off 
altogether :  and  therefore  he  returnes  as  vile,  &  as  base, 
if  not  worse  then  before,  &  he  growes  more  firmly  to  his 
corruptions.  It  is  with  a  mans  conversion,  as  in  some 
mens  ditching;  they  doe  not  pull  up  all  the  trees  by  the 
roots,  but  plash  them  :  so  when  you  come  to  have  your 
corruptions  cut  off,  you  plash  them,  and  doe  not  wound 
your  hearts  kindly,  and  you  doe  not  make  your  soules 
feele  the  burthen  of  sinne  truly:  this  will  make  a  man 
grow  and  flourish  still,  howsoever  more  cunningly  and 
subtilly.  .  .  .  Looke  as  it  is  with  a  womans  conception, 
those  births  that  are  hasty,  the  children  are  either  still 
borne,  or  the  woman  most  commonly  dies  ;  so  doe  not 
thou  thinke  to  fall  upon  the  promise  presently.  Indeed 
you  cannot  fall  upon  it  too  soone  upon  good  grounds  ; 
but  it  is  impossible  that  ever  a  full  soule  or  a  haughty 
heart  should  beleeve,  thou  mayest  be  deceived,  but  thou 
canst  not  be  engrafted  into  Christ :  therfore  when  God 
begins  to  worke,  never  rest  till  you  come  to  a  full  meas- 
ure of  this  brokennesse  of  heart.  Oh  follow  the  blow  and 
labour  to  make  this  worke  sound  and  good  unto  the 
bottome."  ^ 

1  The  Soules  Preparation  (1632),  pp.  182-187. 


HIS   WRITINGS.  165 

But  one  test  and  measure  of  this  "sound  work" 
inculcated  by  Hooker  has  not,  perhaps,  attracted  the 
notice  its  place  in  our  American  religious  history 
deserves.  It  is  that  test  of  true  conversion  which  in 
New  England  theology  is  commonly  connected  with 
the  name  of  Dr.  Hopkins,  of  Newport,  —  that  a 
Christian  should  be  willing  to  be  damned  if  it  be 
God's  will.  Cotton  Mather^  follows  his  father  In- 
crease ^  in  an  attempt  to  defend  Mr.  Hooker  from 
the  imputation  of  teaching  this  doctrine,  on  the  ground 
that  the  publication  of  Mr.  Hooker's  writings  was  to 
a  great  extent  "  without  his  consent  or  knowledge ; 
whereby  his  notions  came  to  be  deformedly  misrep- 
resented in  multitudes  of  passages,  among  which  I 
will  suppose  that  crude  passage  which  Mr.  Giles  Fir- 
miTiy  in  his  Real  Christian  so  well  confutes,  That  if 
the  soul  be  rightly  htmibled,  it  is  content  to  bear  the 
state  of  da77i7iation,^''  The  defence  is  well  meant,  but 
it  is  idle.  The  Hopkinsian  doctrine  of  contentment 
in  being  damned  was  taught,  nearly  a  century  and  a 
half  before  Hopkins,  by  Hooker  and  his  son-in-law 
Shepard  with  the  utmost  distinctness.  It  is  not  by 
any  supposition  of  incorrect  reporting  that  the  tenet 
can  be  got  out  of  Hooker's  "  Humiliation  "  or  Shep- 
ard's  "Sincere  Convert."  Hooker's  "Humiliation" 
is  one  of  the  best  published  of  all  his  treatises,  and 
bears  internal  evidence  of  as  much  accuracy  in  repro- 
ducing his  thought  and  idiom  of  speech  as  any  other. 
And  the  doctrine  in  question  is  logically  and  rhetori- 

1  Magnalia,  i.  315. 

2  Prefatory  letter  to  Solomon  Stoddard's  Guide  to  Christ. 


1 66      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

cally  woven  into  the  texture  of  both  Hooker's  and 
Shepard's  volumes.  It  appears  and  reappears  in 
them.  It  is  prepared  for,  led  up  to,  stated,  enforced, 
and  objections  to  it  answered.  There  is  no  acciden- 
tal and  inconsiderate  slipping  into  its  utterance.  It 
is  accepted  with  full  intelligence,  and  with  clear 
recognition  of  its  obnoxiousness  and  its  difficulty  to 
common   experience. 

The  teachings  of  Hooker  and  his  son-in-law  on 
this  matter  were  made  the  topic  of  correspondence 
between  Shepard  and  Rev.  Giles  Firmin,  and  of  an 
elaborate  treatise  by  Firmin,  largely  in  confutation  of 
the  utterances  of  Shepard  and  his  father-in-law  on 
the  doctrine  in  question.^  Many  pages  might  be 
quoted  from  Shepard's  writings  in  support  of  this 
doctrine,  but  attention  must  here  be  confined  to 
Hooker's  teachings  on  the  subject. 

The  preacher  is  well  aware  he  is  dealing  with  a 
hard  point :  — 

"Now  I  come  to  this  last  passage  in  this  worke  of 
Humiliation,  and  this  is  the  dead  lift  of  all.  The  Prod- 
igall  doth  not  stand  it  out  with  his  Father  and  say,  I  am 
now  come  againe,  if  I  may  have  halfe  the  rule  in  the  Fam- 
ily, I  am  content  to  live  with  you.  No,  though  hee  would 
not  stay  there  before,  yet  now  hee  cannot  be  kept  out,  hee 
is  content  to  bee  anything  .  .  .  Lord  (saith  he)  shew  me 
mercy,  and  I  am  content  to  be,  and  to  suffer  anything. 
So  from  hence  the  Doctrine  is  this.  The  Soule  that  is 
truly  hu7nbledis  content  to  be  disposed  by  the  Ahnightie, 
as  it  pleaseth  him.    The  maine  pitch  of  this  point  lyes 

1  Firmin's  Real  Christian,  Preface,  Introduction,  and  pp. 
107-149- 


HIS   WRITINGS.  167 

in  the  word  content.  This  phrase  is  a  higher  pitch  then 
the  former  of  submission :  and  this  is  plaine  by  this  ex- 
ample. Take  a  debtor,  who  hath  used  all  meanes  to  avoyd 
the  creditor :  in  the  end  he  seeth  that  hee  cannot  avoyd 
the  suit,  and  to  beare  it  hee  is  not  able.  Therefore  the 
onely  way  is  to  come  in,  and  yield  himselfe  into  his  credi- 
tors hands ;  where  there  is  nothing,  the  King  must  loose 
his  right ;  so  the  debtor  yields  himselfe  :  but  suppose  the 
creditor  should  use  him  hardly,  exact  the  uttermost, 
and  throw  him  into  the  prison ;  Now  to  bee  content  to 
under-goe  the  hardest  dealing  it  is  a  hard  matter :  this  is 
a  further  degree  then  the  offering  himselfe.  So,  when  the 
Soule  hath  offered  himselfe,  and  he  seeth  that  Gods  writs 
are  out  against  him,  and  his  conscience  (the  Lords  Ser- 
jeant) is  coming  to  serve  a  Subpcena  on  him,  and  it  is  not 
able  to  avoyd  it,  nor  to  beare  it  when  he  comes,  therefore 
he  submits  himselfe  and  saith.  Lord,  whither  shall  I  goe, 
thy  anger  is  heavy  and  unavoydable ;  Nay,  whatsoever 
God  requires,  the  Soule  layes  his  hand  upon  his  mouth, 
and  goes  away  contented  and  well  satisfied,  and  it  hath 
nothing  to  say  against  the  Lord.  This  is  the  nature  of 
the  Doctrine  in  hand ;  and  for  the  better  opening  of  it  let 
me  discover  these  things.  .  .  ,  For  howsoever  the  Lords 
worke  is  secret  in  other  ordinary  things,  yet  all  the  Soules 
that  ever  came  to  Christ,  and  that  shall  ever  come  to 
Christ,  must  have  this  worke  upon  them ;  and  it  is  im- 
possible that  faith  should  be  in  the  Soule;  except  this 
worke  bee  there  first,  to  make  way  for  faith. ^  .  .  . 

"Thirdly,  Hence  the  Soule  comes  to  be  quiet  and 
framable  under  the  heavy  hand  of  God  in  that  helplesse 
condition  wherein  he  is ;  so  that  the  Soule  having  been 
thus  framed  aforehand,  it  comes  to  this,  that  it  takes  the 
blow  and  lies  under  the  burthen,  and  goes  away  quietly 
and  patiently,  he  is  quiet  and  saith  not  a  word  more: 

1  The  Soules  Humiliation  (1638),  pp.  98-100. 


1 68         ■       LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

oh!  this  is  a  heart  worth  gold.  He  accounts  Gods  deal- 
ing and  Gods  way  to  be  the  fittest  and  most  seasonable 
of  all.  Oh  (saith  he)  it  is  fit  that  God  should  glorifie 
himselfe  though  I  be  damned  forever,  for  I  deserve  the 
worst.^  .  .  . 

"  Now  see  this  blessed  frame  of  heart  in  these  three 
particulars.  First,  the  Soule  is  content  that  mercy  shall 
deny  what  it  will  to  the  Soule,  and  the  Soule  is  content 
and  calmed  with  whatsoever  mercy  denyes.  If  the  Lord 
will  not  heare  his  prayers,  and  if  the  Lord  will  cast  him 
away,  because  he  hath  cast  away  the  Lords  kindnesse,  and 
if  the  Lord  will  leave  him  in  that  miserable  and  damnable 
condition,  which  he  hath  brought  himselfe  into,  by  the 
stubbornnesse  of  his  heart,  the  Soule  is  quiet.  Though 
I  confesse  it  is  harsh  and  tedious,  and  long  it  is  ere  the 
Soule  be  thus  framed ;  yet  the  heart  truely  abased  is  con- 
tent to  beare  the  estate  of  damnation;  because  hee  hath 
brought  this  misery  and  damnation  upon  himselfe."  ^ 

"  But  some  may  here  object  and  say.  Must  the  Soule, 
can  the  Soule,  or  ought  it  to  be  thus  content,  to  be  left  in 
this  damnable  condition  ?  For  the  answer  hereof ;  Know 
that  this  contentednesse  implies  two  things,  and  it  may 
bee  taken  in  a  double  sense.  First,  Contentedness  some- 
times implies  nothing  else,  but  a  carnall  securitie.  .  .  . 
But  then ;  Secondly,  it  implies  a  calmnesse  of  the  Soule 
not  murmuring  against  the  Lords  dispensation  toward 
him.  ...  So  wee  should  not  bee  carelesse  in  using  all 
meanes  for  our  good,  but  still  seeke  to  God  for  mercy ; 
yet  thus  we  must  be,  and  thus  we  ought  to  be  contented 
with  whatsoever  mercy  shall  deny,  because  wee  are  not 
worthy  of  any  favour;  and  the  humble  Soule  reasons 
thus  with  itselfe  and  saith,  my  owne  sinne,  and  my  abomi- 
nations have  brought  me  into  this  damnable  condition 
wherein   I   am,  &  I  have  neglected  that  mercy  which 

1  The  Soules  Humiliation  (1638),  pp.  106,  107.    2  ibid.  112. 


HIS   WRITINGS.  169 

might  have  brought  me  from  it,  therefore  why  should  I 
murmure  against  mercy,  though  it  deny  me  mercy  ?  .  .  . 
Marke  this  well.  He  that  is  not  willing  to  acknowledge 
the  freenesse  of  the  course  of  mercy,  is  not  worthy,  nay, 
hee  is  not  fit  to  receive  any  mercy ;  but  that  Soule  which 
is  not  content  that  mercy  deny  him  what  it  will;  he  doth 
not  give  way  to  the  freenesse  of  the  Lords  grace  and 
m.ercy,  and  therefore  that  Soule  is  not  fit  for  mercy. ^  .  .  . 

"  But  some  may  object.  Can  a  man  feele  this  frame  of 
heart,  to  be  content,  that  mercy  should  have  him  in  hell  ? 
doe  the  Saints  of  God  find  this  ?  and  can  any  man  know 
this  in  his  heart  ? 

"  To  this  I  answer.  Many  of  Gods  servants  have  been 
driven  to  this,  and  have  attained  to  it,  and  have  laid 
open  the  simphcitie  of  their  Soules,  in  being  content  with 
this."  2  .  .  . 

"  The  soule  that  is  thus  contented  to  be  at  Gods  dis- 
posing, it  is  ever  improving  all  meanes  and  helpes  that 
may  bring  him  neerer  to  God,  but  if  mercy  shall  deny  it, 
the  soule  is  satisfied  and  rests  well  apaid  ;  this  every 
Soule  that  is  truely  humbled  may  have,  and  hath  in  some 
measure."  ^ 

But  this  submission  and  humiliation  of  the  soul  no 
one  can  accomplish  for  himself;  for  — 

*'  This  union  that  is  betweene  the  Soul  and  its  cor- 
ruptions is  marveilous  strong  and  firme,  nay  so  strong 
and  firme  that  there  is  no  meanes  under  heaven,  no 
creature  in  the  world  that  is  able  to  breake  this  union, 
and  dissolve  this  combination  that  is  betweene  sinne  and 
the  soule,  unless  the  Lord  by  his  Almighty  power  come 
and  break  this  conspiracy  that  is  betweene  sin  and  the 

1  The  Soules  Humiliation  (1638),  pp.  11 3-1 15. 

2  Ibid.  T15,  116. 

3  Ibid.  114. 


lyo  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

soule  against  himselfe  and  the  glory  of  his  name.  .  .  . 
As  it  is  with  the  body  of  a  man  if  there  were  a  great  and 
old  distemper  in  a  mans  stomacke,  if  a  man  should  put  a 
rich  doublet  upon  him  and  lay  him  in  a  Featherbed  and 
use  all  other  outward  meanes  this  would  doe  him  noe 
good  because  the  disease  is  within.  .  .  .  lust  so  it  is 
with  the  soule  of  a  man ;  a  mans  heart  will  have  his 
sinne ;  there  is  an  inward  combination  betweene  the  soule 
and  sinne;  now  all  meanes,  as  the  Word  and  the  like,  is 
outward,  and  can  doe  no  good  in  this  kind,  they  cannot 
break  the  union  betweene  a  mans  heart  and  his  cor- 
ruptions, unless  the  Lord  by  his  Almighty  power  and 
infinite  wisdome  make  a  separation  betweene  sinne  and 
the  soule,  and  dissolve  this  union."  ^ 

And  God  does  sometimes  interpose  to  afford  this  indis- 
pensable aid.  Not  always,  indeed,  for  God's  purpose 
does  not  always  go  to  the  extent  of  a  saving  work. 

"  The  Lord  deales  diversely  as  hee  seeth  fit ;  specially 
in  these  three  wayes.  First,  if  God  have  a  purpose  to 
civilize  a  man,  he  will  lay  his  sorrow  as  a  fetter  upon 
him;  he  onely  meanes  to  civilize  him,  and  knocke  off  his 
fingers  from  base  courses.  .  .  .  God  onely  rips  the  skinne 
a  httle,  and  layeth  some  small  blow  upon  him  :  but  if  a 
man  have  beene  a  rude  and  a  great  ryoter,  the  Lord  begins 
to  serve  a  Writ  upon  him  ...  so  that  now  the  soule 
seeth  the  flashes  of  hell,  and  Gods  wrath  upon  the  soule, 
and  the  terrours  of  hell  lay  hold  upon  the  heart,  and  he 
confesseth  that  hee  is  so,  and  hee  hath  done  so,  and 
therefore  he  is  a  poore  damned  creature,  and  then  the 
soule  labours  to  welter  it,  and  it  may  be  his  conscience 
will  bee  deluded  by  some  carnall  Minister  that  makes  the 
way  broader  than  it  is,  .  .  .  or  else  it  may  be,  hee  stops 

1  The  Vnbeleevers  Preparing  for  Christ  (1638),  pp.  138-140. 


HIS   WRITINGS.  171 

the  mouth  of  conscience  with  some  outward  performances  : 
.  .  .  and  he  wil  pray  in  his  family,  and  heare  sermons, 
&  take  up  some  good  courses  ;  &  thus  he  takes  up  a 
quiet  civill  course,  and  stayeth  here  a  while,  and  at  last 
comes  to  nothing :  And  thus  God  leaves  him  in  the  lurch, 
if  he  meanes  onely  to  civiHze  him. 

But  secondly,  if  God  intends  to  doe  good  to  a  man,  hee 
will  not  let  him  goe  thus,  and  fall  to  a  civill  course.  .  .  . 
The  Lord  will  ferret  him  from  his  denne,  and  from  his  base 
courses  and  practises  :  He  will  be  with  you  in  all  your 
stealing  and  pilfering,  and  in  all  your  cursed  devices,  if 
you  belong  to  him  hee  will  not  give  you  over.  .  .  .  Now 
the  soule  is  beyond  all  shift ;  when  it  is  day,  he  wisheth  it 
were  night,  and  when  it  is  night,  hee  wisheth  it  were  day; 
the  wrath  of  God  followeth  him  wheresoever  he  goeth,  and 
the  soule  would  fain  be  rid  of  this,  but  hee  cannot;  and  yet 
all  the  while  the  soule  is  not  heavy  and  sorrowfull  for  sin  ; 
hee  is  burdened,  and  could  bee  content  to  throw  away  the 
punishment  and  horror  of  sinne,  but  not  the  sweet  of 
sinne  :  as  it  is  with  a  child  that  takes  a  live  coale  in  his 
hand,  thinking  to  play  with  it,  when  hee  feeles  fire  in  it,  hee 
throwes  it  away;  hee  doth  not  throw  it  away  because  it 
is  black,  but  because  it  burnes  him :  So  it  is  here :  A 
sinfull  wretch  will  throw  away  his  sinne,  because  of  the 
wrath  of  God  that  is  due  to  him  for  it,  and  the  drunkard 
will  be  drunke  no  more  ;  but  if  he  might  have  his  queanes 
and  his  pots  without  any  punishment  or  trouble,  he  would 
have  them  with  all  his  heart,  hee  loves  the  black  and 
sweet  of  sinne  well  enough,  but  he  loves  not  the  plague 
of  sinne.  .  .  .  Now  in  the  third  place,  if  the  Lord  pur- 
pose to  doe  good  to  the  soule,  he  will  not  suffer  him  to  be 
quiet  here,  but  hee  openeth  the  eye  of  the  soule  further; 
and  makes  him  sorrow,  not  because  it  is  a  great  and 
shamefull  sinne,  but  the  Lord  saith  to  the  soule,  Even  the 
least  sinne  makes  a  separation  betweene  mee  and  thee  ; 
and  the  heart  begins  to  reason  thus  :  Lord,  is  this  true  ? 


172       LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

is  this  the  smart  of  sinne  ?  and  is  this  the  vile  nature  of 
sinne  ?  O  Lord  !  how  odious  are  these  abominations  that 
cause  this  evill,  and  though  they  had  not  caused  this  evill, 
yet  this  is  worse  then  the  evill ;  that  they  make  a  separa- 
tion betweene  God  and  my  soule.  Good  Lord,  why  was 
I  borne  ? "  1 

So  that  if  God  really  intends  to  save  a  man  he  does 
not  stop  with  any  "morall  and  external  drawing," 
but  he  works  "  effectually  "  to  that  end. 

"  I  expresse  it  thus,  looke  as  it  is  with  the  wheele  of  a 
clock,  or  the  wheele  of  a  lack  that  is  turned  aside,  and 
by  some  contrary  poyse  set  the  wrong  way.  He  now  that 
will  set  this  wheele  right,  must  take  away  the  contrary 
poyse,  and  then  put  the  wheele  the  right  way,  and  yet 
the  wheele  doth  not  goe  all  this  while  of  it  selfe,  but  first 
there  is  a  stopping  of  the  wheele,  and  a  taking  away  of  the 
poyse  :  and  secondly  the  wheele  must  be  turned  the  right 
way,  and  all  this  while  the  wheele  is  only  a  sufferer  ;  so 
it  is  with  the  soule  of  a  man,  the  heart  of  a  man,  and  the 
will  of  a  man,  and  the  affections  of  a  man ;  they  are  the 
wheeles  of  the  soules  of  men.  .  .  .  Now  when  the  Lord 
commeth  to  set  these  wheeles  aright,  he  must  take  away 
the  poyse  and  plummet  that  made  them  runne  the  wrong 
way,  that  is,  the  Lord  by  his  almighty  power,  must  over- 
power those  sins  and  corruptions  which  harbour  in  the 
soule  .  .  .  and  then  the  frame  of  the  soule  will  be  to 
God-ward,  it  will  be  in  a  right  frame  and  order,  it  will 
runne  the  right  way,  and  all  this  while  the  will  is  only  a 
sufferer,  and  this  I  take  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  text : 
That  God  by  a  holy  kind  of  violence,  rendeth  the  soule  of 
a  poore  sinner,  and  withall  by  his  almighty  power,  stops 
the  force  of  a  mans  corruptions,  and  makes  the  soule 
teachable,  and  framable  to  the  will  of  God,  it  makes  it  to 

1  The  Soules  Preparation  (1632),  pp.  131-136. 


HIS   WRITINGS.  173 

lie  levell,  and  to  be  at  Gods  command,  and  this  is  done 
by  a  holy  kind  of  violence."  ^ 

But  when  this  "  effectual  "  sovereign  work  of  grace 
is  accomplished,  there  is  no  end  to  the  consolations 
of  the  gospel. 

"  It  is  a  word  of  consolation,  and  it  is  a  cordiall  to 
cheare  up  a  mans  heart,  and  carry  him  through  all  troubles 
whatsoever  can  betide  him  or  shall  befall  him.  This  doc- 
trine of  lustification  it  seems  to  me  to  be  like  Afoahs 
Arke,  when  all  the  world  was  to  bee  drowned :  God 
taught  Noah  to  make  an  arke,  and  to  pitch  it  about,  that  no 
water,  nor  winds,  nor  stormes  could  breake  through,  and 
so  it  bore  up  Noah  above  the  waters,  and  kept  him  safe 
against  wind  and  weather;  when  one  was  on  the  top  of  a 
mountain  crying:  O  save  me,  another  clambering  upon 
the  trees,  all  floting,  and  crying,  and  dying  there  ;  there 
was  no  saving  but  for  those  only  that  were  gotten  into 
the  arke:  Oh  so  it  will  be  with  you  poor  fooHsh  be- 
leevers,  the  world  is  like  this  sea,  wherein  are  many 
floods  of  water,  many  troubles,  much  persecution  :  Oh 
get  you  into  the  arke  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  when  one  is 
roring  and  yelling.  Oh  the  devill,  the  devill ;  another  is 
ready  to  hang  himselfe,  or  to  cut  his  owne  throat ;  another 
sends  for  a  Minister,  and  hee  crieth.  Oh  there  is  no 
mercy  for  mee,  I  have  opposed  it ;  Get  you  into  Christ,  I 
say,  and  you  shall  bee  safe  I  will  warrant  you ;  your 
soules  shall  bee  transported  with  consolation  to  the  end 
of  your  hopes."  ^ 

And  of  such  justified  state  the  Spirit  of  God  gives 
inward  witness :  — 

"  The  spirit  doth  evidence  to  the  soule,  broken  and 
humbled.  That  the  soule  hath  an  interest  in  this  mercy, 

1  Preparing  for  Christ  (1638),  part  ii.  pp.  24-26. 

2  The  Soules  Exaltation  {163S),  pp.  122,  123. 


174  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

that  it  was  appointed  for  it,  and  he  hath  to  meddle  with  it. 
.  .  .  We  may  observe  that  a  witnesse  in  a  cause  doth  mar- 
vellously cleare  it,  if  he  be  wise  and  judicious,  and  the 
thing  that  before  was  doubtfull,  comes  now  to  be  apparant: 
as  now  in  a  point  of  Law,  two  men  contend  for  land ;  now 
if  an  ancient  wise  man  of  some  place  is  called  before  the 
Judge  at  the  Assizes,  and  hee  beares  witnesse  upon  his 
knowledge,  that  such  Landes  have  beene  in  the  possession 
of  such  a  generation  or  family,  for  the  space  of  many 
yeares  ;  this  is  a  speciall  testification,  that  this  man  being 
of  that  generation,  he  hath  an  interest  in  these  lands  :  So 
it  is  with  the  witnesse  of  Gods  Spirit,  there  is  a  contro- 
versie  betweene  Satan  and  the  soule,  the  soule  saith,  oh, 
that  grace  and  compassion  might  be  bestowed  on  mee ; 
why,  (saith  Satan)  dost  thou  conceive  of  any  mercy,  or 
grace  and  Salvation  ?  marke  thy  rebellions  against  thy 
Saviour,  marke  the  wretched  distempers  of  thy  heart,  and 
the  filthy  abhomi nations  of  thy  life  :  dost  thou  thinke  of 
mercy  ?  .  .  .  Now  the  Spirit  of  God  comming  in,  that  casts 
the  cause  and  makes  it  evident,  if  such  a  poore  heart  have 
interest,  and  may  meddle  and  make  challenge  to  mercy  and 
salvation,  because  it  hath  beene  prepared  for  them,  from 
the  beginning  of  the  world  to  this  very  day.  Now  this 
gives  a  light  into  the  businesse,  &  the  evidence  is  sure,  that 
this  man  hath  title  to  all  the  riches  and  compassion  of 
the  Lord  Jesus ;  Acts.  i.  39.  Every  poore  creature  thinkes, 
that  God  thinkes  so  of  him,  as  hee  thinkes  of  himselfe 
.  .  .  whereas  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  judgeth  otherwise, 
and  God  meanes  well  toward  him,  and  intends  good  to 
all  you  that  have  beene  broken  for  your  sins  ;  and  there 
is  witnesse  of  it  in  heaven,  and  it  shall  be  made  good  to 
your  owne  consciences."  ^ 

Which  gives  a  good  ground  for  comfort  and  cheerful 
living :  — 

1  The  Soules  Effectual!  Calling  (1638),  pp.  79,  80. 


HIS  WRITINGS.  175 

**  Come  what  wil  come.  This  is  his  aim  to  settle  the 
conclusion  of  their  happines,  and  the  certainty  thereof  : 
To  be  beyond  the  reach  of  al  the  hosts  in  Heaven  and 
Earth.  Therefore  he  musters  up  al,  what  we  are,  what 
shal  be.  If  there  were  a  thousand  worlds  to  come,  and 
should  set  themselves  to  shake  the  comforts  of  the  faith- 
ful, it  could  not  be.  .  .  .  The  Devils  and  sin  may  as  wel 
separate  Christ  from  the  Father,  as  pul  the  love  of  the 
Father  from  his  own  heart,  and  so  from  Christ,  as  separate 
us  from  it.  .  .  .  Be  therefore  content  with  what  thou  hast, 
our  Saviors  desire  is  to  interest  thee  in  the  heart  and 
love  of  the  Father,  as  himself.  Not  to  love  thee  as  a 
Creature,  as  a  friend,  a  subject,  but  as  the  Son  of  his  love. 
What  me  f  Yes  thee,  poor,  weak,  silly,  worthless  Worm, 
that  beleevest  in  him.  Go  thy  way  therefore,  never 
quarel,  nor  question  any  more.  It  is  enough,  nay  it  is 
too  much.  I  would  not  have  thought  it.  I  durst  not 
have  desired  it.  I  could  not  have  beleeved  it,  but  that  our 
Savior  hath  said  and  done  it."  ^ 

But  what  sort  of  preaching  is  it  which  leads  to 
these  salvatory  results?  Hooker  gives  his  idea  about 
it  in  answering  the  question,  "  What  is  a  powerful 
minister?" 

'*  The  word  is  compared  to  a  sword  :  as,  if  a  man 
should  draw  a  sword  and  flourish  it  about,  and  should  not 
strike  a  blow  with  it,  it  will  doe  no  harme ;  even  so  it  is 
here  with  the  Ministers,  little  good  will  they  doe  if  they 
doe  onely  explicate ;  if  they  doe  onely  draw  out  the  sword  of 
the  Spirit :  for  unlesse  they  apply  it  to  the  peoples  harts 
particularly,  little  good  may  the  people  expect,  little  good 
shall  the  Minister  doe.  A  common  kind  of  teaching  when 
the  Minister  doth  speake  only  hoveringly,  and  in  the  gener- 
all,  and  never  applies  the  word  of  God  particularly,  may  be 

1  Comment  on  Christs  Last  Prayer  (1656),  pp.  319,  320. 


176  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

compared  to  the  confused  noise  that  was  in  the  Ship 
wherein  Jo7iah  was,  when  the  winds  blew,  and  the  sea 
raged,  and  a  great  storm  began  to  arise.  The  poore  Mar- 
riners  strove  with  might  and  maine,  and  they  did  endeav- 
our by  all  meanes  possible  to  bring  the  ship  to  the  shore  ; 
every  one  cried  unto  his  god  and  cast  their  wares  into  the 
sea,  and  all  this  while  loiias  was  fast  asleepe  in  the  ship : 
but  when  the  Marriners  came  down  and  plucked  him  up, 
and  said,  Arise  thou  sleeper.,  .  .  .  who  art  thou  ?  Call  upon 
thy  God.,  then  he  was  awakened  out  of  his  sleepe.  The 
common  delivery  of  the  word  is  like  that  confused  noise  : 
there  is  matter  of  heaven,  of  hell,  of  grace,  of  sin  spoken 
of,  there  is  a  common  noise,  and  all  this  while  men  sit 
and  sleepe  carelessly,  and  never  looke  about  them,  but 
rest  secure :  but  when  particular  application  comes,  that 
shakes  a  sinner,  as  the  Pilot  did  Jonah.,  and  asks  him, 
What  assurance  of  Gods  mercy  hast  thou  ?  what  hope  of 
pardon  of  sinnes  ?  of  life  and  happinesse  hereafter?  You 
are  baptized,  and  so  were  many  that  are  in  hell :  you  come 
to  Church,  and  so  did  many  that  are  in  hell :  but  what  is 
your  conversation  in  the  meantime  ?  Is  that  holy  in  the 
sight  of  God  and  man  ? 

"When  the  Ministers  of  God  shake  men  and  take  them 
up  on  this  fashion  then  they  begin  to  stirre  up  themselves,  ^ 
and  to  consider  of  their  estates.  This  generall  and  com- 
mon kind  of  teaching  is  like  an  enditement  without  a 
name :  if  a  man  should  come  to  the  assizes,  and  make 
a  great  exclamation  and  have  no  name  to  his  enditement, 
alas,  no  man  is  troubled  with  it,  no  man  feares  it,  no  man 
shall  receive  any  punishment  by  reason  of  it.  So  it  is 
with  this  common  kind  of  preaching,  it  is  an  enditement 
without  a  name.  We  arrest  none  before  wee  particularly 
arraigne  them  before  the  tribunall  of  the  Lord,  and  show 
them  these  are  their  sinnes,  and  that  unless  they  repent 
and  forsake  them  they  shall  be  damned  :  for  then  this 
would  stirre  them  up,  and  make  them  seke  to  the  Lord  for 


HIS   WRITINGS.  177 

mercy:  this  would  rowse  them  out  of  their  security,  and 
awaken  them,  and  make  them  say  as  the  Jewes  did  to 
Peter  and  the  rest  of  the  Apostles,  Men  and  brethren 
what  shall  wee  doe  to  bee  saved?  "  ^ 

These  extracts  must  suffice.  They  give  a  fair  aver- 
age indication  of  Hooker's  style.  But  they  can  of 
course  only  partially  suggest  the  wonderful  variety  of 
pat,  homely,  forcible  illustration,  and  of  sharp,  search- 
ing, and  energetic  application,  with  which  the  same 
essential  theme  of  the  process  of  personal  religion  in 
the  soul  is  treated  in  every  one  of  his  many  volumes, 
with  the  single  exception  which  has  been  specified. 
They  are  the  product  of  a  mind  intent  on  the  char- 
acteristic functions  of  the  preacher.  And  such  a 
preacher  was  sure  of  hearers.  Such  an  analyst  of 
human  emotions  touched  men  at  many  points.  A 
son  of  thunder  and  a  son  of  consolation  by  turns,  his 
ministry  —  whatever  the  defects  or  extravagances  of 
his  theology  —  could  not  have  been  other  than  that 
which  all  testimony  declares  it  to  have  been,  one  of 
the  most  powerful  of  his  age. 

1  The  Soules  Implantation  (1640),  pp.  73-77. 


12 


178      LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 


APPENDIX  \} 


THOMAS  HOOKER'S  WILL  AND  INVENTORY   OF 

ESTATE. 

The  last  Will  and  Testament  of  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker, 
late  of  Hartford,  deceased. 

I  Thomas  Hooker,  of  Hartford,  vppon  Connecticutt  in 
New  England,  being  weake  in  my  body,  through  the 
tender  visitation  of  the  Lord,  but  of  sound  and  perfect 
memory,  doe  dispose  of  that  outward  estate  I  haue  beene 
betrusted  withall  by  him,  in  manner  following :  — 

I  doe  giue  vnto  my  sonne  John  Hooker,  my  howsing 
and  lands  in  Hartford,  aforesaid,  both  that  which  is  on 
the  west,  and  allso  that  w^^  is  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Riuer,  to  bee  inioyed  by  him  and  his  heires  for  euer, 
after  the  death  of  my  wife,  Susanna  Hooker,  provided 
hee  bee  then  at  the  age  of  one  and  twenty  yeares,  it  being 
my  will  that  my  said  deare  wife  shall  inioye  and  possess 
my  said  howsing  and  lands  during  her  naturall  life:  And 
if  shee  dye  before  my  sonne  John  come  to  the  age  of  one 
and  twenty  yeares,  that  the  same  bee  improued  by  the 
ou''seers  of  this  my  will  for  the  maintenance  and  educa- 
tion of  my  children  not  disposed  of,  according  to  theire 
best  discretion. 

I  doe  allso  giue  vnto  my  sonne  John,  my  library  of 
printed  bookes  and  manuscripts,  vnder  the  limitations 
and  provisoes  hereafter  expressed.     It  is  my  will  that  my 

1  See  page  151. 


HIS   WILL  AND  INVENTORY.  179 

Sonne  John  deliuer  to  my  sonne  Samuell,  so  many  of  my 
bookes  as  shall  bee  valued  by  the  ou'seers  of  this  my  will 
to  bee  worth  fifty  pounds  sterling,  or  that  hee  pay  him 
the  some  of  fifty  pounds  sterling  to  buy  such  bookes 
as  may  bee  vseful  to  him  in  the  way  of  his  studdyes,  at 
such  time  as  the  ouerseers  of  this  my  will  shall  judge 
meete ;  but  if  my  sonne  John  doe  not  goe  on  to  the  per- 
fecting of  his  studdyes,  or  shall  not  giue  vpp  himselfe  to 
the  seruice  of  the  Lord  in  the  worke  of  the  ministry,  my 
will  is  that  my  sonne  Samuel  inioye  and  possesse  the 
whole  library  and  manuscripts,  to  his  proper  vse  for  euer  ; 
onely,  it  is  my  will  that  whateuer  manuscripts  shall  bee 
judged  meete  to  bee  printed,  the  disposall  thereof  and 
advantage  that  may  come  thereby  I  leaue  wholly  to  my 
executrix;  and  in  case  shee  departe  this  life  before  the 
same  bee  judged  of  and  setled,  then  to  my  ouerseers  to 
bee  improued  by  them  in  theire  best  discretion,  for  the 
good  of  myne,  according  to  the  trust  reposed  in  them. 
And  howeuer  I  do  not  forbid  my  sonne  John  from  seeking 
and  taking  a  wife  in  England,  yet  I  doe  forbid  him  from 
marrying  and  tarrying  there. 

I  doe  giue  vnto  my  sonne  Samuell,  in  case  the  whole 
library  come  not  to  him,  as  is  before  expressed,  the  sum 
of  seuenty  pounds,  to  bee  paid  vnto  him  by  my  executrix 
at  such  time,  and  in  such  manner,  as  shall  be  judged 
meetest  by  the  ouerseers  of  my  will. 

I  doe  allso  giue  vnto  my  daughter  Sarah  Hooker,  the 
sum  of  one  hundred  pounds  sterhng,  to  bee  paid  vnto  her 
by  my  executrix  when  she  shall  marry  or  come  to  the  age 
of  one  and  twenty  yeares,  w'^'^  shall  first  happen;  the  dis- 
posall and  further  education  of  her  and  the  rest,  I  leaue 
my  wife,  advising  them  to  attend  her  councell  in  the  feare 
of  the  Lord. 

I  doe  giue  vnto  the  two  children  of  my  daughter  Joan- 
nah  Shephard  deceased,  and  the  childe  of  my  daughter 
Mary  Newton,  to  each  of  them  the  sum  of  ten  pounds,  to 


I  So  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

bee  paid  vnto  them  by  my  sonne  John,  within  one  yeare 
after  hee  shall  come  to  the  possession  and  inioyment  of 
my  howsings  and  lands  in  Hartford,  or  my  sonne  Samuell, 
if  by  the  decease  of  John,  hee  come  to  inioye  the  same. 

I  doe  make  my  beloued  wife  Susannah  Hooker,  exec- 
utrix of  this  my  last  Will  and  Testament,  and  (my  just 
debts  being  paid,)  do  giue  and  bequeath  vnto  her  all  my 
estate  and  goods,  moueable  and  imouable,  not  formerly 
bequeathed  by  this  my  will.  And  I  desire  my  beloued 
frends  Mr.  Edward  Hopkins  and  Mr.  William  Goodwyn, 
to  affoard  theire  best  assistance  to  my  wife,  and  doe  con- 
stitute and  appoint  them  the  ouerseers  of  this  my  will. 
And  it  hauing  pleased  the  Lord  now  to  visitt  my  wife 
with  a  sicknes,  and  not  knowing  how  it  may  please  his 
Ma*^®  to  dispose  of  her,  my  minde  and  will  is,  that  in  case 
shee  departe  this  life  before  shee  dispose  the  estate  be- 
queathed her,  my  aforesaid  beloued  frends,  Mr.  Edward 
Hopkins  and  Mr.  William  Goodwyn,  shall  take  care  both 
of  the  education  and  dispose  of  my  children  (to  whose 
loue  and  faithfuUnes  I  commend  them,)  and  of  the  estate 
left  and  bequeathed  to  my  wife,  and  do  committ  it  to 
theire  best  judgment  and  discretion  to  manage  the  said 
estate  for  the  best  good  of  mine,  and  to  bestow  it  vppon 
any  or  all  of  them  in  such  a  proportion  as  shall  bee  most 
sutable  to  theire  owne  ap''hensions ;  being  willing  onely 
to  intimate  my  desire  that  they  w=^  deserue  best  may 
haue  most ;  but  not  to  limmitt  them,  but  leaue  them  to 
the  full  scope  and  bredth  of  their  owne  judgments ;  in 
the  dispose  whereof,  they  may  haue  respect  to  the  fore- 
mentioned  children  of  my  two  daughters,  if  they  see  meet. 
It  being  my  full  will  that  what  trust  I  haue  comitted  to 
my  wife,  either  in  matter  of  estate,  or  such  manuscripts 
as  shall  bee  judged  fitt  to  bee  printed,  in  case  shee  liue 
not  to  order  the  same  herselfe,  bee  wholly  transmitted  and 
passed  ouer  from  her  to  them,  for  the  ends  before  speci- 
fied.    And  for  mortallity  sake,  I  doe  put  power  into  the 


HIS  WILL  AND  INVENTORY.  i8i 

hands  of  the  forementioned  beloued  freinds,  to  constitute 
and  appoint  such  other  faithfull  men  as  tliey  shall  judge 
meete,  (in  case  they  bee  depriued  of  life  or  libberty  to 
attend  the  same,  in  theire  owne  persons,)  to  manage, 
dispose  and  performe  the  estate  and  trust  comitted  to 
them,  in  as  full  manner  as  I  haue  comitted  it  to  them  for 
the  same  end. 

THOMAS  HOOKER. 
This  was  declared  to  bee  the  last  Will  and 
Testament  of  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker,  the 
seuenth  day  of  July,  1647. 
In  the  presence  of 

Henry  Smith, 

Samuell  Stone, 

John  White. 


An  Inventory  of  the  Estate  of  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker, 
Deceased,  taken  the  2ist  Aprill,  1649. 

In  the  new  Parlour  j  It. :  3  chaires,  2  stooles,     [^     s,    d.] 
6  cushions,  a  clock,  a  safe,  a  table,  window 
curtaines,  &c., 05  00  00 

In  the  Hall  J  It. :  a  chest  of  drawers,  and  in 
it,  2  dozen  of  dishes,  a  pewter  flagon,  ba- 
sons, candlesticks,  sawcers,  &c.,      .     .     .     .     06  00  00 
It. :  in  ammunition,  4/.  It. :   in  a  table,  & 
forme,  and  4  wheeles,  :/., [05  00  00] 

In  the  oitld  Parlour  J  It. :  2  tables,  a  forme,  4 
chaires,  4  stooles,  4  table  carpetts,  window 
curtaines,  andirons  and  doggs  &c.,  in  the 
chimny, 09  00  00 

In  the  Chainber  ouer  that;  It. :  a  featherbed 
and  boulster,  2  pillowes,  a  strawbed,  2  blan- 
kitts,  a  rugg,  and  couerlitt,  darnix  hangings 
in  7  peeces,  window  curtaines,  curtaines  and 


1 82  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER, 

valence  to  the  bed,  a  bedstead,  2  chaires,  and     [^     s.    d.3 
3  stooles,  andirons  &c.  in  the  chimny,  &  a 

courte  cubberd, 14  05  00 

It. :  curtaines  and  valence  to  the  same  bed, 
of  greene  say,  and  a  rugg  of  the  same,  with 
window  curtaines, 05  00  00 

In  the  Hall  Cha?nber;  It. :  a  trunck  of  linnen, 
cont. :  20  p'  sheets,  8  table  cloaths,  5  doz. 
napkins,  6  p''  of  pillow  beers,  and  to  wells,    .     27  00  00 
It. :  a  bedstead,  two  truncks,  2  boxes,  a  chest 
&  a  chaire, 03  05  00 

In  the  Kittchin  Cha7iiber;  It. :  a  featherbed,  a 
quilt  bed,  2  blankitts,  2  couerlitts,  i  boulster, 
a  flockbed  and  boulster,  a  rugg  and  blankitt, 
a  chest  &  ould  trunck,  and  a  bedstead,    .     .    j  2  o©  00 

In  the  Chamber  ouer  the  new  Parlour  j  It. :  2 
featherbeds,  2  boulsters,  a  p""  of  pillows,  5 
blankitts  and  2  ruggs,  stript  valence  and  1 
curtaines  for  bed  &  windowes,  a  chest  of 
drawers,  an  Alarum,  2  boxes,  a  small  trunck, 
2  cases  of  bottles,  i  p""  of  dogs,  in  the 
chimney, 21  00  00 

In  the  garritts :  It. :   in  come  and  hoggsheads 

and  other  houshould  lumber, 14  15  00 

It.  :  in  apparrell  and  plate,     ......     40  00  00 

In  the  Kittchin  J  It.  :  2  brass  kettles,  3  brass 
potts,  2  chafing  dishes,  2  brass  skill etts,  a 
brass  morter,  a  brass  skimmer,  and  2  ladles, 
2  iron  potts,  2  iron  skilletts,  a  dripping  pann, 
2  kettles,  2  spitts  &  a  jack,  a  p""  of  cobirons, 
a  p"^  of  andirons,  a  p*;  of  doggs,  fire  shouell 
and  tongs,  2  frying  panns,  a  warming  pann, 
a  gridiron,  7  pewter  dishes,  2  porringers,  i 
p"^  of  bellowes,  a  tinn  dripping  pann,  a  ros- 
ter, &  2  tyn  couers,  potthooks  and  tram- 
mells;  all  valued  at 12  10  00 


HIS   WILL  AND  INVENTORY.  183 

In  the  Brew  Jiowsej  It. :  a  copper  mash  tubbs,     \£     s.    d.] 

payles,  treyes,  &c 04  10  00 

In  the  sellars;  It.  :  2  stills  and  dairy  vessells,     06  00  00 
It. :  in  yearne  ready  for  the  weauer,    .     .     .    .    03  00  00 
It.  :    2  oxen,   2   mares,    i   horse,   2   colts,   8 
cowes,  and  2  heifers,  3  two  yeares  ould  and  6 

yearlings,  valued  at, 143  00  00 

It. :  Husbandry  implements, 05  00  00 

It. :  Howsing  and  Lands  within  the  bounds  of 
Hartford,  on  both  sides  the  Riuer,     ....  450  00  00 
It. :  Bookes  in  his  studdy  &c.,  valued  at     .     .  300  00  00 
It. ;  an  adventure  in  the  Entrance,     .    .    .    .    50  00  00 

I I 36    15    CO 

The  foregoing  perticulars  were  prised  the  day  and 
yeare  aboue  written,  according  to  such  light  as  at  p''sent 
appeared, 

by  Nathaniell  Ward, 
Edward  Stebbing. 


1 84  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 


APPENDIX    II.' 


THOMAS  HOOKER'S  PUBLISHED  WORKS. 

(Furnished  by  Dr.  J.  Hammond  Trumbull.) 

?  \The  Poor  Dovting  Christian  drawne  vnto  Christ. 

8°  London:  Printed  in  the  year  1629.] 

Title  from  Henry  Stevens,  —  from  whom  Sabin  copied  it. 

This  book  does  not  appear  in  the  Registers  of  the 
Stationers'  Company  until  1637,  when  (May  6)  ''The 
poore  doubting  Christian  drawn  to  Christ,  &c.  vpon  John 
the  6th,  the  45th  [verse],  by  Master  Hooker"  was  en- 
tered for  copyright  to  Mr.  [R.]  Dawlman  and  Luke 
Fawne  {Registers,  iv.  383).  Two  weeks  earlier,  "certain 
Sermons  vpon  John  the  6th,  verse  the  45th,  by  T.  H.," 
had  been  entered  to  Andrew  Crooke  (Jbid.  381),  —  which 
may  have  been  another  edition  of  the  same  work. 

Its  sixth  edition  was  printed  in  1641  :  — 

"  The  Poore  Doubting  Christian  drawn  to  Christ. 
Wherein  the  main  Lets  and  Hindrances  which  keep  men 
from  coming  to  Christ  are  discovered.  With  especiall 
Helps  to  recover  God's  favor.  The  Sixth  Edition."  12° 
London:  I.  Raworth  for  Luke  Fawne.    //.  (2),  163. 

After  the  6th,  I  can  trace,  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
only  three  editions  [1652  {Dr.  Williams^ s  Libr.  Cat.) ; 

1  Seepage  155. 


HIS  PUBLISHED  WORKS.  185 

1659,  J'  M acock ^  for  Luke  Fawjte,  12°,  and  1667,  16° 
{A?n.  Antiq.  Soc.  Catalogue)  ],  before  "  The  Twelfth 
Edition,"  12°,  1700. 

The  first  American  edition,  with  an  "  Abstract  of  the 
author's  Life,"  by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Prince,  was  printed 
in  Boston  (for  D.  Henchman),  1743  {iz""  pp.  14,  144). 
This  edition,  with  the  Life,  and  an  Introduction  by  Rev. 
Dr.  Edward  W.  Hooker,  was  reprinted,  Hartford,  1845 
{16^  pp.  165,  I). 

Sabin  {Dictionary,  no.  32847)  says :  "  This,  the  ear- 
liest and  most  popular  of  Hooker's  works,  first  appeared 
in  a  collection  of  sermons  entitled  '  The  Saints'  Cordial,' 
attributed  to  Sibbs."  I  have  not  seen  this  collection, 
nor  can  I  find  any  mention  of  the  edition  of  1629,  except 
in  H.  Stevens's  catalogue  (and  in  Sabin),  as  before  noted. 

The  Sovles  Preparation  for  Christ.  Or,  A  Treatise 
of  Contrition.  Wherein  is  discovered  How  God  breaks 
the  heart  and  wounds  the  Soule,  in  the  conversion  of  a 
Sinner  to  Himselfe.    pp.  (8),  258. 

4°  Londo7i,  R.  Dawbnafi,  1632. 
[2d  edition  ?]  4°  Lo7ido7i,  1635. 

[3d  edition  ?]  sm.  12°  Printed  {for  the  use  and 

benefit  of  the  English  Churches')  in 
the  A^etherlands.  1638. 

4th  Edition.  4°  London  :    Assignes,  of  T.  P. 

for  A.  Crooke,  1638. 

6th  Edition,  12°  Lond.,  M.  F.forR.  Dawlvian. 

1643. 
7th  Edition.  12°  Land.,  J.  G.  for  R.  Dawlman. 

1658. 
This  work  was  entered  to  R.  Dawlman,  29  Oct.,  1631, 
as  "  The  Soules  Preparation  for  Christ,  out  of  Acts  2, 
37,  and  Luke  15,  by  F.  H.,"  —  as  the  printed  Register 
(iv.  263)  has  it,  by  a  clerical  error  for  T.  H.  One  third  of 
the  copyright  was  assigned,  14  Oct.,  1634,  to  R.  Allott, 


1 86      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

and  by  Allott's  widow,  i  July,  1637,  to  Legatt  and  Andrew 
Crooke. 

The  Eqvall  Wayes  of  God:  Tending  to  the  Rectifying 
of  the  Crooked  Wayes  of  Man.  The  Passages  whereof 
are  briefly  and  clearly  drawne  from  the  sacred  Scriptures. 
By  T.  H. 

4°  London  J  for  John  Clarke^  1632.    pp.  (8),  40. 

Entered  to  J.  Clarke,  6  Dec,  1631  {Registers,  iv.  267). 
The  prefatory  address.  To  the  Christian  Reader,  is  signed 
T.  H.,  showing  that  the  publication  was  authorized  by  the 
author. 

\_A7t  Exposition  of  the  Lord'^s  Prayer.  ByT,  H.  1638.] 
Entered,  as  above,  to  Mr.  [R.]  Dawlman,  5  Sept.,  1637 
(^Stat.  Registers,  iv.  392).  It  is  advertised,  as  pub- 
lished, in  a  list  of  Mr,  Hooker's  books,  prefixed  to  (the 
4th  edition  of)  "The  Soules  Preparation,"  etc.,  1638. 
The  Bodleian  Catalogue  has  :  Heaven's  Treasury  ope?ied, 
in  a  faithfull  Exposition  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  8°  Lond, 
1645  '■>  ^'^d  Sabin  has  that  title  and  date  nearly  (no. 
32839),  with  "fruitful"  in  place  of  "faithfull,"  and  add- 
ing: "with  a  Treatise  on  the  Principles  of  Religion;  "  but 
marking  the  size  as  4to.  The  Bodleian  has,  as  a  separate 
title :  "  An  Exposition  of  the  Principles  of  Religion,"  8° 
1645,  —  in  the  list  of  Hooker's  works. 

The  Sovles  Humiliation.  4°  London,  for  A.  Crooke, 
1637.  Entered  (as,  by  T.  H.)  Feb.  28,  1636-7,  to  A. 
Crooke,  by  whom  one  half  the  copyright  was  assigned  to 
P.  Nevill,  13  March,  1637-8  {Registers,  iv.  374,  412).  The 
licenser's  imprimatur  is  dated  Oct.  10  and  Dec.  6,  1637. 

The  Second  Edition,  4°  /.  L.for  A.  Crooke.      1638. 

The  Third   Edition.      4°  T.  Cotes  for  A.\     ^^ 
Crooke  a7id  P.  Nevill.  ) 

Another.  8°  Amsterdam,  for  T.  L.  .  .  .  near  the 

E?tglish  Church.     1638.    pp.  302. 


HIS  PUBLISHED  WORKS.  187 

The  Sollies  IiJipla7itation.  A  Treatise  containing, 
The  Broken  Heart,  on  Esay  57.  15.  The  Preparation  of 
the  Heart,  on  Luke  i.  17.  The  Soules  Ingraffing  into 
Christ,  on  Mai.  3.  i.  Spirituall  Love  and  Joy,  on  GaL  5. 
22.  By  T.  H.  4°  R.  Young,  sold  by  F.  Clifton,  1637. 
pp.  (2),  266. 

Entered  22  Apr.,  1637,  to  Young  and  Chfton  {Regis- 
ters, iv.  382).  Another,  much  improved  edition,  under 
the  title  — 

The  Soules  Implantation  into  the  Natural!  Olive.  By 
T.  H.  Carefully  corrected,  and  much  enlarged.  With  a 
Table  of  the  Contents  prefixed. 

4°  R.  Young,  sold  by  F.  Clifton,  1640.    pp.  (6),  320. 

The  Sermon  on  Spiritual  Joy,  on  Habak.  3.  17,  18,  is 
added  in  this  edition,  and  the  preceding  Sermon,  on  Spir- 
itual Love,  was  printed  from  larger  and  more  accurate 
notes. 

The  Sovles  Ingrafting  into  Christ.  By  T.  H, 
4°  J.  H{avila7id'\for  A.  Crooke,  1637.  pp.  (2),  30. 
The  text  is  Mai.  3.  i.  It  is  one  of  three  "  Sermons  . .  . 
by  T.  H."  entered  to  Crooke,  22  July,  1637  {Registers, 
iv.  390).  Another  edition  of  it  makes  part  of  "The 
Soules  Implantation "  1637.  See  the  next  preceding 
title. 

The  Sovles  Effecttiall  Calling  to  Christ.     By  T.  H. 

4°  J.  H\_avila7id\  for  A .  Crooke,  1637.  pp.  (2),  33-668. 

Entered  to  A.  Crooke,  21  Apr.,  1637,  as  "certain  Ser- 
mons upon  John  the  6th,  verse  the  4Sth,  by  T.  H." 
{Register,  iv.  381.)  Usually  bound  with  "The  Sovles 
Ingrafting,"  with  which  its  paging  is  continuous;  but 
also  published  separately  (though  without  change  of 
paging),  with  a  second  title  prefixed,  — 

The  Sovles  Vocation  or  Effectval  Calling  to  Christ. 
By  T.  H. 


1 88  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

With  a  Table  of  Contents  (i  i  leaves),  and  in  imprint, 
the  date  1638. 

{The  Soules  Possession  of  Christ  •.  upon  Romans  13:4, 
Acts  16  :3i,  Psal.  51  :  16,  John  7  :  37,  2  Kings  2  -.  12, 

1  Peters:  5,  Zeph.  2:  3.     By  T.  H.]  8°,  1638. 
So   entered   to  [R.]   Dawlman,  13   Nov.    1637.      The 

Bodleian  Catalogue  has :  The  Soules  Possession  of 
Christ  :  whereunto   is    annexed  a   Funeral   Sermon  on 

2  Kings  ii.  12.  8°  Lond.  1638.  '•'■  Spit'ituall  Mimitio7i  : 
a  funeral  Sermon,  on  2  Kings  ii.  12.  By  T.  H.  8°  Lo7id. 
1638  "  {Bodl,  Cat.),  appears  to  have  been  also  pubHshed 
separately. 

The  Sovles  Exaltation.  A  Treatise  containing  The 
Soules  Vnion  with  Christ,  on  i  Cor.  6.  17^  The  Soules 
Benefit  from  Vnion  with  Christ,  on  i  Cor.  i.  30.  The 
Soules  Justification,  on  2  Cor.  5.  21.    By  T.  H. 

4°  y .  Haviland^for  A  ndr.  Crooke,  1 63 8 .  /j^ .  ( 1 6),  3 1 1 . 

8  April,  1637,  [12]  "Sermons  ...  by  T.  H."  were 
entered  to  Andrew  Crooke,  —  the  text  of  each  being 
named  (^Registers,  iv.  380).  These  sermons  were  made 
up  into  three  volumes,  under  the  titles,  "  The  Soules 
Exaltation"  (3),  "Four  Treatises,"  etc.  (3),  and  "The 
Vnbeleevers  Preparing  for  Christ "  (5),  —  all  published 
in  1638. 

The  Vnbeleevers  Preparing  for  Christ.  Luke  i.  17. 
By  T.  H. 

4°  T.  Cotes  for  Andr.  Crooke,  1638.    pp.  (4),  204,  (4);* 
119,  (4). 

Six  sermons.  The  first  five  selected  from  the  "  Ser- 
mons by  T.  H.,"  entered  to  A.  Crooke,  8  April,  1637 ;  the 
last  (on  John  6.  44),  one  of  "  certain  sermons  ...  by 
T.  H.,"  entered  to  the  same  publisher,  22  July,  1637 
{Registers,  iv.  380,  390). 


HIS  PUBLISHED  WORKS.  189 

Four  godly  and  leajyied  Treatises :  viz. :  The  Car- 
nall  Hypocrite.  The  Churches  Deliverances.  The  De- 
ceitfulness  of  Sinne.  The  Benefit  of  Afflictions.  By 
T.  H. 

12P  A.  Crooke,  1638. 

(Prince  Library  and  Bodleian  Catalogues.)  Probably 
four  of  the  (12)  Sermons  by  T.  H.  entered  to  Crooke, 
8  April,  1637.  Among  "  several  Treatises  by  this  Au- 
thor "  advertised  by  Cooke,  1638,  are  "  Sermons  on 
Judges  10.  23;  on  Psalms  119.  29;  on  Proverbs  1.28,29; 
and  on  2  Tim.  3.  5."  These  sermons  are  included  in  the 
collection  entered  8  April,  except  the  third,  which  is  one 
of  four  entered  to  the  same  publisher,  22  July,  1637. 
(Crooke  assigned  half  the  copyright  of  these  "  Four 
Treatises"  to  Wm.  Wethered,  i  Sept.,  1638.) 

?  \^The  Garments  of  Salvatio7i  first  putt  off"  by  the 
Fall  of  our  first  Parents.  Secondly,  putt  on  again  by 
the  Grace  of  the  Gospel.     By  T.  H.  1639?] 

Entered,  6  May,  1639,  to  R.  Young  and  Fulke  Clif- 
ton {Registers^  iv.  465).  Mr.  Arber  queries,  "  ?  by 
Thomas  Hooker."  Certainly  intended  to  ^ass  for  his. 
I  have  not  been  able  to  find  a  copy  of  it. 

The  Christians  Two  Chiefe  Lessons^  Viz.  Selfe-Deniall, 
and  Selfe-Tryall.  As  also.  The  Priviledge  of  Adoption 
and  Triall  thereof.  In  three  Treatises  on  the  Texts  fol- 
lowing: Viz.  Matt.  16.  24.  2  Cor.  13.  5.  lohn  i.  12,  13. 
By  T.  H. 

4°  T.  B.  for  P.  Stephens  and  C.  Meredith,  1640.    pp, 

(24),  303- 

An  "  Epistle  Dedicatory "  to  "  the  Honourable  and 
truly  Religious  Lady,  the  Lady  Anne  Wake,"  is  sub- 
scribed, Z.  S.  [Rev.  Zechariah  Symmes  of  Charlestown  ?], 
who  "  had  taken  some  paines  in  the  perusall  and  tran- 
scribing "  the  copy  "  after  it  came  into  the   Printers 


190  LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

hands,"  and  "  one  that  was  inwardly  acquainted  with  the 
Authour  [Thomas  Shepard  ?]  hath  laboured  with  me  in 
this  taske." 

"^  Treatise  or  certaine  Sermons  ^  of  Self e  DenyalV 
upon  Matthew  16.  24  and  25  verses,  by  T.  H.,"  was  en- 
tered 15  Dec.,  1638,  to  Stevens  and  Meredith  {Regis- 
ters^ iv.  448).  The  completed  work,  with  the  title  as 
above,  was  entered  to  the  same  partners,  15  Oct.,  1639 
{ibid.  483). 

{The  Patferne  of  Perfection  exhibited  in  God's  Image 
on  Adam  and  God's  Covenant  with  him,  on  Genesis  i. 
26.  Whereunto  is  added,  An  Exhortacion  to  redeeme 
ty7ne  for  recovering  our  losses  in  the  premises  on  Ephe- 
sians,  5.  16.  Also  certaine  Queries  touching  a  true  and 
sound  Christian,  by  T.  H.] 

This  title  was  entered  to  Mr.  [R.]  Young  and  Fulke 
Clifton,  19  Feb.,  i(ii%-()  {Registers,  \v.  455).  Published 
(in  a  second  edition  ?),  1640,  8°  {Bodl.  Cat.). 

The  Danger  of  Desertion :  or  A  Far  well  Sermon  of 
Mr.  Thomas  Hooker,  Somtimes  Minister  of  God's  Word 
at  Chainsford  in  Essex ;  but  now  of  A^ew  England. 
Preached  immediately  before  his  departure  out  of  old 
England.  —  Together  with  Ten  Particular  rules  to  be 
practised   every  day  by  converted  Christians. 

4°  G.  M.for  Geo.  Edwards,  1641.    pp.  (4),  29. 

Text,  Jerem.  14.  9.  A  Second  edition  was  printed  the 
same  year  (Prince  Libr.  Cat.).  A  MS.  note  by  the  Rev. 
T.  Prince  attributes  the  "  Ten  Rules  "  to  the  Rev.  E. 
Reyner. 

The  Faithful  Covenanter.  A  Sermon  preached  at  the 
Lecture  in  Dedham  in  Essex.  By  that  excellent  ser- 
vant of  lesus  Christ,  in  the  work  of  the  Gospel,  Mr.  Tho. 
Hooker,  late  of  Chelmsford;  now  in  New-England.    Very 


HIS  PUBLISHED  WORKS.  191 

usefull  in  these  times  of  Covenanting  with  God.     Psal. 
78.  vers.  9,  [10,  36,  37  :  8  lines]. 

4°  Christopher  Meredith^  1644.    //.  (2),  43. 
Text  from  Deut.  29.  24,  25.     Printed  from  the  notes  of 
some  hearer  —  and  without  the  author's  knowledge  —  as 
"very  useful  in  these  times  "  of  subscribing  the  "  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant." 

"  ?  \_A71  Exposition  of  the  Principles  of  Religion. 

8°  1645.] 
Title  from  the  Bodleian  Catalogue.     I  have  not  seen  it. 

The  Saints  Guide,  in  three  Treatises  on  Gen.  vi.  13, 
[3,]  Rom.  i.  18,  and  Ps.  i.  3.  8°  Loitd.  1645. 

Bodl.  Catalogue.  "  Three  Sermons  upon  these  Texts 
(vizt.)  Romans  i.  18,  Genesis  6.  3,  Psalms  i.  3,  by  T.  H." 
were  entered  to  John  Stafford,  10  Aug.,  1638  {Stat.  Reg., 
iv.  428) ;  but  I  can  trace  no  earlier  edition  than  that  of 
1645. 

?  l^The  Immortality  of  the  Sotile.  The  Excellencie 
of  Christ  Jesus,  treated  on.  Wherein  the  faithfull  people 
of  God  may  find  comfort  for  their  Souls.  By  T.  H. 
Published  according  to  Order.     4°  1646.    pp.  (2),  21.] 

Title  from  Sabin's  Dictionary  (no.  32841),  where  it 
is  attributed  to  Hooker. 

?  \Heatctonaparnumenos  :  or  a  Treatise  of  Self-Detty- 
all.  Intended  for  the  Pulpit;  but  now  committed  to 
the  Presse  for  the  Publike  Benefit.  By  Thomas  Hooker. 
London,  Wilson  for  Rich.  Royston,  1646. 

Title  from  Sabin  (no.  32840),  who  evidently  had  not 
seen  the  book,  for  he  does  not  give  the  size  or  number  of 
pages.  I  am  confident  this  title  is  not  (our)  Thomas 
Hooker's  :  but  the  book  may  be  a  bookseller's  make-up 
from  "  The  Christians  Two  Chiefe  Lessons,"  etc.,  pub- 
lished in  1640. 


192  LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Posthumous. 

A  Survey  of  the  Su7nme  of  Church-Discipline. 
Wherein,  The  Way  of  the  Churches  of  New-England  is 
warranted  out  of  the  Word,  etc.  ...  By  Tho.  Hooker, 
late  Pastor  of  the  Church  at  Hartford  upon  Cotitiecticott 
in  N.  E. 

4°  A.  M.for  John  Bellamy^  1648.  pp.  (36)  ;  Part  '. 
pp.  139(1  blk.),  185-296;  Part  II.  pp.  90 ;  Part  III.  pp. 
46 ;  Part  IV.  pp.  59. 

The  author's  preface  (18  pp.)  is  followed  by  an  Epistle 
to  the  Reader  (4  pp.)  subscribed  by  Edward  Hopkins 
and  William  Goodwin,  Hartford,  28  Oct.,  1647:  a  Poem 
"in  obitum  viri  Doctissimi  Thomae  Hookeri,"  by  Samuel 
Stone ;  others  by  John  Cotton  and  E.  Rogers  :  and  a 
further  commendation  to  the  reader  by  Thomas  Goodwin, 
April  17,  1648. 

This  work,  it  appears,  was  "  finished,  and  sent  near  two 
years  "  earlier,  to  be  printed  ;  but  the  copy  "  was  then 
buried  in  the  rude  waves  of  the  vast  Ocean,  with  many 
precious  Saints,  in  their  passage  hither."  Mr.  Hooker 
reluctantly  consented  to  prepare  another  copy  for  the 
press,  but  "  before  the  full  transcribing,  he  was  translated 
from  us  to  be  ever  with  the  Lord." 

To  some  copies  of  the  work,  John  Cotton's  "  The  Way 
of  Congregational  Churches  cleared  "  was  appended,  and 
a  general  title,  including  both  works,  prefixed  to  the 
volume.  Mr.  Cotton's  treatise  continues  the  answers  to 
Rutherford,  begun  by  Mr.  Hooker  in  Part  I.  Chap.  10,  of 
the  Survey.  That  chapter  ends  on  p.  139,  the  next  page 
is  blank,  and  Chapter  11  begins  on  the  next  page  follow- 
ing, numbered  185,  with  a  new  signature.  It  may  have 
been  the  intention  of  the  editors  to  incorporate  Mr.  Cot- 
ton's work  with  Hooker's,  in  this  division  of  the  Survey, 
or  the  former  may  have  been  substituted  for  Hooker's 
unfinished  notes. 


HIS  PUBLISHED  WORKS.  193 

The  Covoiaiit  of  Grace  opened :  wherein  These  partic- 
ulars are  handled ;  viz.  i.  What  the  Covenant  of  Grace 
is,  2.  What  the  Seales  of  the  Covenant  are,  3.  Who  are 
the  Parties  and  Subjects  fit  to  receive  these  Seales. 
Fiom  all  which  Particulars  Infants  Baptisme  is  fully 
proved  and  vindicated.  Being  severall  Sermons  preached 
¥,t  Hartford  in  New-England.  By  that  Reverend  and 
i^fithfuU  Minister  of  the  Gospel,  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker. 
4°  G.  Dawson^  1649.    PP-  (2))  85. 

The  Saints  Dignitie  and  Dutie.  Together  with  The 
Danger  of  Ignorance  and  Hardnesse.  Delivered  in 
severall  Sermons  :  By  that  Reverend  Divine,  Thomas 
Hooker,  Late  Preacher  in  New-England. 

4°  G.  D\_awson\  for  Francis  Eglesfield,  1651.  pp. 
(12),  246. 

Seven  sermons:  i.  The  Gift  of  Gifts :  or,  The  End 
why  Christ  gave  Himself  {Titus  2.  14)  :  2.  The  Blessed 
Inhabitant :  or,  The  Benefit  of  Christs  being  in  Beleev- 
ers  {Rom.  8.  10)  ;  3.  Grace  Magnified :  or  the  Priviledges 
of  those  that  are  under  Grace  {Ro?n.  6.  14);  4.  Wis- 
domes  Attendants :  or  The  Voice  of  Christ  to  be  obeyed 
{Prov.  8.  32)  :  5.  The  Activitie  of  Faith  :  or,  Abraham's 
Imitators  {Rom.  4.  12)  :  6.  Culpable  Ig7torance :  or  the 
Danger  of  Ignorance  under  Meanes  {Is.  27:11):  7. 
Wilful  Hardnesse :  or  the  Means  of  Grace  Abused 
{Prov.  29.  i).  Each  sermon  has  a  full  titlepage,  with 
imprint  as  in  the  general  title ;  and  probably  each  was 
sold  separately,  though  the  paging  is  continuous. 

The  preface,  signed  T.  S.  [Thomas  Shepard],  shows 
that  this  volume  was  prepared  for  the  press  by  Mr. 
Hooker's  son-in-law. 

A  Comment  upon  Chris fs  Last  P7'ayer  In  the  Seven- 
teenth of  John.  Wherein  is  opened,  The  Vnion  Beleev- 
ers  have  with  God  and  Christ,  and  the  Glorious  Priviledges 
thereof.   ...  By  ...  Mr.   Thomas   Hooker,  etc.  .  .  . 

13 


194      LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER. 

Printed  from  the  Author's  own  Papers,  .  .  .  and  attested 
to  be  such  ...  by  Thomas  Goodwin  and  Philip  Nye. 
4°  Peter  Cole,  1656.    pp.  (26),  532. 

Half-title,  on  p.  i  :  "  Mr.  Hooker's  Seventeenth  Book 
made  in  New-England."  A  series  of  sermons  on  John 
17.  20-26,  preached,  at  the  administration  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  in  the  last  years  of  Mr.  Hooker's  pastorate. 

The  numbering  of  the  volume  as  "  Mr.  Hooker's  Seven- 
teenth Book"  has  given  some  trouble  to  the  bibliographers. 
Of  a  collection  of  seventeen  "books  "  — each  comprising 
one  or  more  sermons  —  sent  to  England  for  publication, 
the  first  eight  were  published  together  by  P.  Cole,  1656 
[and  1657],  under  the  general  title  of  "The  Application 
of  Redemption,"  etc.  ;  and  two  others,  the  ninth  and  tenths 
made  a  second  volume  under  the  same  title.  Six  others 
(the  eleventh  to  the  sixteenth,  inclusive)  were  announced 
by  Cole,  in  1656,  as  "  now  printing,  in  two  volumes,"  but  I 
find  no  evidence  that  they  were  ever  published.  The 
seventeenth  "and  last"  (as  Cole  announced  it)  was  "  A 
Comment  upon  Christ's  Prayer,"  etc. 

The  Application  of  Redeiftption.  By  the  Effectual 
Work  of  the  Word,  and  Spirit  of  Christ,  for  the  bringing 
home  of  lost  Sinners  to  God.  [The  first  Eight  Books.] 
.  .  .  By  .  .  .  Thomas  Hooker,  etc.  Printed  from  the 
Authour's  Papers,  .  .  .  with  ...  an  Epistle  by  Thomas 
Goodwin,  and  Philip  Nye.  8°  1657.    pp.  (46),  451. 

The  title  and  collation  are  from  Sabin:  but  the  Cat- 
alogue of  the  Red  Cross  (Dr.  Williams's)  Library  men- 
tions two  editions  of  1656,  one  in  octavo,  the  other  in 
quarto. 

The  Application  of  Rede7nption.,  etc.    The  Ninth  and 

Tenth   Books  .  .  .  Printed  from  the   Author's   Papers, 

Written  with  his  own  hand.     And  attested  to  be  such, 

in   an   Epistle,  By  Thomas  Goodwin  and   Philip   Nye. 

4°  Peter  Cole,  1657.    pp.  (22),  702,  (30). 


HIS  PUBLISHED   WORKS.  195 

The  same.     The  Second  Edition. 

4°  Peter  Cole,  1659.    pp.  (22),  702,  (30). 

The  prefatory  epistle  of  Goodwin  and  Nye  gives,  in 
brief,  the  history  of  this  work,  and,  incidentally,  of  many 
of  the  earlier  editions  of  Hooker's  sermons.  "  Many 
parts  and  pieces  of  this  Author,  upon  this  argument,  ser- 
mon-wise, preach'd  by  him  here  in  England,  .  .  .  having 
been  taken  by  an  unskilful  hand,  which,  upon  his  recess 
into  those  remoter  parts  of  the  World,  was  bold  without 
his  privity  or  consent  to  print  and  publish  them,  .  .  .  his 
genuine  meaning  was  diverted  .  .  .  from  the  clear  draft 
of  his  own  notions  and  intentions.  ...  In  these  Trea- 
tises, thou  hast  his  Heart  from  his  own  Hand,  his  own 
Thoughts  drawn  by  his  own  Pencil,"  etc.  He  had 
preached  more  briefly  of  this  subject,  first,  while  a  Fellow 
and  Catechist  at  Emmanuel  College,  and  again,  many 
years  after,  more  largely,  at  Chelmsford,  —  '■''  the  product 
of  which  was  those  books  of  Sermons  that  have  gone 
utider  his  name,  —  and  last  of  all,  now  in  New-England." 


INDEX. 


Abbot,  George,  32,  33. 
Adams,  John  Q.,  116  note. 
Alcock,  John,  5. 
Ames,  William,  at  Cambridge,  22 ; 

at  Rotterdam,  56 ;  Hooker  edits 

his  book,  57-59. 
Amsterdam,  Hooker  at,  52-55. 
ApoUonius,  Guil.,  148. 
Archer,  John,  45. 
Ashe,  Simeon,  30. 
Assembly,    Ministerial,    of    1643, 

138,  139- 
Assembly,  Westminster,  136 ;  pres- 
byterian  character,  137. 

Bacon,  Leonard,  127,  141  note. 
Baddow,  Little,  School  at,  49. 
Bancroft,  Bishop,  16,  32. 
Bayle,  Thomas,  7. 
Blackerby,  Richard,  62. 
Bradford,  Gov.  William,  95. 
Bradshaw,  William,  26. 
Bridge,  William,  26,  137. 
Browning,  John,  47. 
Bulkley,  Peter,  22,  iii. 
Burgess,  Anthony,  26. 
Burgess,  John,  56,  57. 
Burial-place,  first,  at  Hartford,  96. 
Burroughs,  Jeremiah,  26,  137. 

Cambridge  Synod,  146-149. 
Cartwright,  Thomas,  19. 


Ceremonies,  opposition  to,  of  Puri- 
tans, 12,  13;  of  Marian  exiles, 
18,  19;  Ames's  "Fresh  Suit 
against,"  56-59  ;  Hooker  on,  58, 

59- 
Chaderton,  Thomas,  15,  24. 
Charles  I.,  directions  to  clergy,  54. 
Chelmsford,    parish    and   church, 

39>  40. 

Chester,  John,  5. 

Clap,  Roger,  64. 

Coles,  Susan,  96. 

Collins,  Samuel,  45,  46,  48. 

Confederation  of  colonies,  first 
movements  toward,  106 ;  nego- 
tiations renewed,  116,  117;  con- 
summated, 129-133. 

Congregationalism,  on  board  the 
"  Griflfin,"  65, 66 ;  in  the  Newtown 
church,  67-69  ;  Assembly  in  be- 
half of,  138  ;  advocated  by  Hook- 
er and  Davenport,  140-145  ;  epi- 
tomized by  Hooker,  144,  145. 

Connecticut,  Constitution  of,  119, 
124,  125,  126-128. 

Constitution  of  Connecticut,  pre- 
liminary motions  toward,  119; 
Mr.  Hooker's  sermon  about,  124, 
125  ;  influence  upon,  126-128. 

Cotton,  John,  at  Cambridge,  22; 
plans  for  association  with  Hook- 
er, 59,  61 ;   voyage  to  America, 


198 


INDEX. 


65  ;  ordination  at  Boston,  d-j ; 
Thursday  lectures,  74-76 ;  ac- 
counts of  dispute  with  Williams, 
80,  81  ;  preaches  on  the  New- 
town uneasiness,  85  ;  influence 
in  the  Bay,  89,  90 ;  relations 
with  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  107,  109, 
113  ;  invited  to  Westminster  As- 
sembly, 136,  137 ;  Keyes  and 
other  writings,  139;  verses  on 
Hooker,  155  ;  treatise  published 
with  Hooker's  "Survey,"  192. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  3,  136. 

Cudworth,  William,  26. 

Davenport,  John,  54,  55 ;  at 
Hutchinson  Synod,  113  ;  answer 
to  Presbyterians,  135  ;  invited  to 
Westminster  Assembly,  136 ; 
replies  to  Paget,  140,  141. 

Delft,  Hooker  at,  55,  56. 

Denne,  Christopher,  7. 

Dexter,  Henry  Martyn,  79  note. 

Digby,  Everard,  6,  27. 

Digby,  Kenelm,  4. 

Dixie,  Wolstan,  9,  10,  21. 

Dodd,  John,  "  Decalogue,"  36,  37. 

Doyle,  J.  A.,  88  note^  95  note^ 
116  note. 

Drake,  Mrs.  Frances,  36,  37. 

Duck,  Chancellor,  45,  46. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  76. 

Dutch,  claims  to  Connecticut  terri- 
tory, 94,95. 

Eliot,  John,  50,  "j^j. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  religious  policy, 

II. 
Ellis,  George  E.,  79  note,  no  note. 
Emmanuel    College,     foundation, 

character,  and  graduates,  23-26  ; 

Laud's  antipathy  to,  44. 


Endicott,  John,  71,  75,  81. 
Esher,  parish  and  church,  34,  35. 
Eyre,  William,  26. 


FiRMiN,  Giles,  165,  166. 
Fiske,  John,  122,  128. 
Forbes,  John,  55,  56. 
Fundamental  Laws  of  Connecti- 
cut, 124-128. 

Goodwin,  Thomas,  137,  139,  156, 
192,  194,  195. 

Goodwin,  William,  ruling  elder, 
67;  reproved  in  court,  85,  86, 
89 ;  negotiates  for  Hartford  ter- 
ritory, 95  ;  writes  epistle  to 
Hooker's  "  Survey,"  141, 149, 150 
note  ;  executor  of  Mr.  Hooker's 
will,  151,  180,  192. 

Gray,  Walter,  96. 

Griffin,  The,  voyage  of,  64,  65. 

Hall,  Bishop  Joseph,  26. 

Halstead,  i,  3. 

Hampton  Court,  conference  at,  15, 
16,  24. 

Hartford,  reached  by  Newtown  pil- 
grims, 93  ;  settlement  at,  94-97 ; 
purchase  of  territory,  95  ;  first 
court  at,  97 ;  named  for  Mr. 
Stone's  birthplace,  97. 

Harvard,  John,  26. 

Haynes,  John,  voyage  to  America, 
65  ;  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
82,  87,  89,  95  ;  attends  Hutchin- 
son Synod,  in  ;  with  Hooker  at 
Boston,  128 ;  relation  to  Con- 
necticut Constitution,  126. 

Herle,  Charles,  139. 

Hertford,  Stone's  birthplace,  61, 
62,  63. 


INDEX. 


199 


Higginson,  Francis,  22,  66,  68. 

Higginson,  John,  156. 

High  Commission  Court,  11,  12, 

Hill,  Thomas,  26. 
Holdsworth,  Richard,  26. 
Hooker,    Mrs.,    mother   of    Rev. 

Thomas,  4. 
Hooker,  Anne,  baptism,  39. 
Hooker,  Edward  W.,  185. 
Hooker,  Joanna,  38,  150  note,  179. 
Hooker,    John,    brother    of    Rev. 

Thomas,  4. 
Hooker,  John,  son  of  Rev.  Thomas, 

4,  5>  ^1%  179.  iSo. 
Hooker,    Samuel,    son    of    Rev, 

Thomas,  4,  179,  180. 
Hooker,  Sarah,  baptism  and  burial, 

39- 
Hooker,  Sarah,  179. 

Hooker,  Susanna,  wife  of  Rev. 
Thomas,  37,  39,  92,  115,  178, 
180. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  father  of  Rev. 
Thomas,  3,  4. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  birth  and  birth- 
place, 1-3  ;  parentage  and  fam- 
ily, 3-5 ;  at  Market  Bosworth 
school,  9,  10;  at  Cambridge, 
20-31 ;  conversion,  28-30 ;  min- 
istry at  Esher,  34-37;  marriage, 
37 ;  lectureship  at  Chelmsford, 
38-42 ;  preaches  before  the 
judges,  43  ;  petition  for,  48  ;  pe- 
tition against,  49 ;  retires  to 
Little  Baddow,  49 ;  preaches 
Farewell  Sermon,  49,  50  ;  cited 
before  High  Commission,  51  ; 
escapes  to  Holland,  52  ;  connec- 
tion at  Amsterdam  with  Mr. 
Paget,  52-55;  at  Delft  with  John 
Forbes,  55,  56;  at  Rotterdam 
with  Ames  and  Peter,  56 ;  edits 


Ames's  "Fresh  Suit,"  57-59; 
plans  for  American  enterprise, 
60,  61 ;  association  with  Samuel 
Stone,  61-63 ;  voyage  to  Amer- 
ica, 64,  65  ;  ordination  at  New- 
town, 66-68  ;  intervenes  between 
Winthrop  and  Dudley,  76,  •]^ ; 
disputes  with  Roger  Williams, 
77-81 ;  writes  on  Endicott's  mu- 
tilation of  the  flag,  82  ;  declines 
to  preach  on  the  Newtown  re- 
moval, 85,  90 ;  differs  in  political 
convictions  from  those  of  the  Bay, 
87-90;  goes  with  his  church  to 
Connecticut,  92,  93  ;  encourages 
the  Pequot  war,  98,  99  ;  preaches 
Thanksgiving  sermon,  loi,  102; 
writes  to  Winthrop  about  Mas- 
sachusetts antipathies,  103-105  ; 
and  about  the  Hutchinsonian 
views,  III  ;  attends  synod  on 
the  Hutchinson  difficulty,  iit- 
113;  agency  in  framing  the  Con- 
necticut Constitution,  1 18-128; 
democratic  tendencies,  117,  120; 
letter  to  Winthrop  about,  121, 
122;  preaches  before  the  Gen- 
eral Court  in  1638, 124  ;  notes  and 
character  of  the  famous  sermon, 
125-128;  two  hours'  sermon  at 
Cambridge  in  1639,  128,  129 ; 
efforts  for  confederation,  129; 
letter  to  Winthrop  about,  131, 
132  ;  invited  to  Westminster  As- 
sembly, 136,  137 ;  moderator  of 
Cambridge  meeting  of  1643,  138; 
writes  the  "  Survey,"  140 ;  charac- 
ter and  history  of  the  book,  140- 
145  ;  inability  to  attend  the  Cam- 
bridge Synod  of  1646-48,  146; 
views  about  some  passages  at  its 
first  session,  147,  148  ;  sickness 
and    death,    149-152;    personal 


200 


INDEX. 


appearance  and  character,  152- 
154  ;  pastoral  character  of  his 
writings,  155-159;  views  of  con- 
version, 160  ;  need  of  clear  sight 
of  sin,  161,  162 ;  danger  of  self- 
deception,  163,  164  ;  ante-Hop- 
kinsian  doctrines,  165-169;  ina- 
bility of  man,  169 ;  God's  purpose 
not  always  to  save,  170-172  ;  the 
soul  passive  in  salvation,  172, 
173';  consolations  of  the  gospel, 
173;  witness  of  the  Spirit,  174, 
175  ;  assurance  of  salvation,  175  ; 
a  powerful  minister,  175-177; 
Hooker's  will,  178-181;  Inven 
tory  of  estate,  181-183;  printed 
books,  184-195. 

Hopkins,  Edward,  loi,  141,  150 
note,  151,  180,  192. 

Hopkins,  Samuel,  doctrines  of,  29, 
165. 

'*  Hopkinsianism,"  Hooker's,  29, 
165-169. 

Hough,  Atherton,  65. 

Hubbard,  William,  71,  86,  88,  90, 
120. 

Hudson,  Samuel,  26,  142. 

Huit,  Ephraim,  124. 

Hutchinson,  Mrs.  Anne,  arrival 
and  views,  106-108  ;  synod  re- 
specting, 111-113;  trial  before 
Boston  church,  113,  114  ;  death, 
US- 


Indians,  purchase  from,  of  Hart- 
ford territory,  95 ;  war  with  Pe- 
quots,  97-100 ;  help  from  up-river 
tribes,  100,  loi. 


James  I.,  expectations  from,  14  ; 
at  Hampton  Court  Conference, 


1 5, [16  ;  begins  fight  with  Parlia- 
ment, 27 ;  injunctions  against 
Lectureships,  40,  41,  44,  45. 

Johnson,  Edward,  i,  69. 

Johnston,  Alexander,  n8, 122, 127, 
128. 


Keaine,  Robert,  75. 
Kieft,  William,  129. 
Knewstubs,  John,  15. 


Lambeth  Articles,  19. 

Lathrop,  Joseph,  98  note. 

Laud,  WiUiam,  report  to,  about 
Emmanuel,  25  ;  character  and 
influence,  2>Zi  34  >  Bishop  of 
London,  44;  tries  to  suppress 
the  Lecturers,  44,  45  ;  Arch- 
bishop, 60  ;  offer  of  cardinalate 
to,  60,  81 ;  imprisoned,  132. 

Lectures,  Thursday,  in  the  Bay, 
74-76  ;  in  Hartford,  96. 

Lectureships,  Puritan,  40,  41,  44, 

45- 
Leighton,  Alexander,  51. 

Ludlow,  Roger,  100,  iii,  126. 


Manwaring,  Dr.,  8,  9. 

Marfield,  1,  5. 

Market  Bosworth  School,  9, 

Marshall,  Stephen,  26,  48. 

Mason,  John,  98,  99. 

Mather,  Cotton,  quoted,  20,  28,  29, 

30,38,42,43,  44,49,  51,  52,  53, 

55.  56,  58,  59»  60,  63,  115,  150, 

15^.  153.  154,  156,  165. 
Mather,  Increase,  165.- 
Mather,   Richard,    135,   138   note, 

139,  149  note. 
Meeting-House  Yard,  95. 


INDEX. 


201 


Michaelson,  John,  39,  48. 

Mildmay,  Walter,  23,  39,  40. 

Millenary  Petition,  14. 

Ministers,  New  England,  mostly 
University  men,  72  ;  form  an  As- 
sociation, 74;  institute  lectures, 
74-76. 


Netherland  clergy,  regulated 
by  Laud,  54,  60. 

Newton,  Mary,  179. 

Newtown,  Mr.  Hooker's  company 
at,  61 ;  church  organized,  67, 69 ; 
ordination  of  Hooker  and  Stone, 
67-69 ;  character  of  the  place, 
73;  restlessness  of  inhabitants, 
82-90 ;  removal  to  Connecticut, 
90-93 ;  democratic  tendencies 
of,   120. 

Norton,  John,  61. 

Noyes,  James,  138. 

Nye,  Philip,  137,  139,  156,  194, 
195. 


Oldham,  John,  93.   • 
Olmstead,  Nicholas,  96. 


Paget,  John,  52-55,  140. 
Palfrey,  John  G.,  79  note^  88  note^ 

116  note. 
Parker,  Thomas,  138. 
Pastor  and  Teacher,  61 ;    offices 

defined,  69,  70. 
Pastoral    character    of    Hooker's 

writings,  158,  159. 
Pelsant,  William,  xo. 
Pequot  War,  97-100. 
Perkins,  William,  20,  28. 
Peter,  Hugh,  54,  55,  56,  137. 
Pilkington,  brothers,  18. 


Pillory  and  stocks,  96. 

Plymouth,  claims  to  Connecticut 
territory,  94,  95. 

Presbyterian  ascendency  in  Eng- 
land, 134,  136;  influence  of  fact 
in  America,  138,  139. 

Preston,  John,  24,  ot^. 

Prince,  Thomas,  190. 

Puritanism  and  Separatism,  differ- 
ence, ID,  11;  unlike  course  of 
Puritanism  in  England  and 
America,  134,  135. 

Pynchon,  William,  100,  11 1. 

Reyner,  Edward,  100. 
Reynolds,  John,  15. 
Richardson,  John,  26. 
Robinson,  John,  27,  139. 
Rogers,  Daniel,  45. 
Rogers,  Ezekiel,  150  note,  192. 
Rogers,  John,  45. 
Rogers,  Nathaniel,  26. 
Rutherford,    Samuel,    139,    140; 

Hooker's    reply    to,     141-142, 

148,  150. 

Say  and  Sele,  Lord,  136. 

Separatism  and  Puritanism,  how 
differing,  10,  11. 

Sequestration  Committee,  report 
on  Leicester  County,  7-9. 

Shepard,  Joanna,  179. 

Shepard,  Samuel,  150. 

Shepard,  Thomas,  26 ;  married  Jo- 
anna Hooker,  38";  plans  for  con- 
nection with  Hooker,  61,  62,  63, 
91 ;  at  the  Hutchinson  Synod, 
1 1 1 ;  prosecutes  Mrs.  Hutchinson 
before  the  Boston  church,  113  ; 
letter  to,  from  Hooker  about  the 
Cambridge  Synod,  147,  148; 
theological  views,  160,  165,  166. 


202 


INDEX. 


Silverwood,  Thomas,  7,  8. 

Simpson,  Sydrach,  137. 

Sizar,  significance  at  Cambridge, 
20,  21. 

Skelton,  Samuel,  68,  74,  77. 

Smith,  Henry,  181. 

Sparke,  Thomas,  15. 

Stansby,  R.,  88  note. 

State-church  in  Bay  colony,  Z^^ 
88. 

Stebbins,  Edward,  146,  183. 

Steele,  John,  91. 

Stisted,  Mr.  Stone  at,  62. 

Stone,  Samuel,  18,  26,  32 ;  birth 
and  education,  61-63  ;  at  Stis- 
ted and  Towcester,  62,  63 ;  as- 
sociation with  Hooker,  63-70; 
ordination  at  Newtown,  66-68  ; 
negotiates  for  Hartford  territory, 
95  ;  chaplain  in  Pequot  war,  98- 
100;  attends  Hutchinson  Synod, 
III  ;  Elegy  on  Hooker  quoted, 
134 ;  at  Cambridge  synod,  146 ; 
letter  about  Hooker's  death, 
149,  150;  witness  of  will,  181, 
192. 

"Survey,"  Hooker's,  140-145. 

Symmes,  Zechariah,  189. 

Synod,  Cambridge,  146-149. 

Synod,  Hutchinsonian,  111-113. 


Teacher  and  Pastor,  61 ;  offices 
defined,  69,  70. 

Tilton,  Parish  of,  1,2,  6,  7,  8,  9. 

Towcester,  Mr.  Stone  at,  62,  63. 

Trumbull,  Benjamin,  86,  Z^. 

Trumbull,  J.  Hammond,  preface, 
vi ;  transcript  of  Hooker's 
Thanksgiving  sermon,  loi,  102; 
of  Hooker's  letter  to  Winthrop, 
103-105  and  note,  116  note,  117 
note;    discovery     of     Hooker's 


Constitutional  sermon,  123-125; 
characterization^  of  the  occas'on 
of  its  preaching,  124;  bibliogra- 
phy of  Mr.  Hooker  by,  184-195. 

Tuckney,  Anthony,  26. 

Twichell,  Joseph,  128. 


Udal,  Ephraim,  26. 

United  Colonies  of  New  England, 

130. 
Usher,  James,  36. 


Vane,  Sir  Henry,  109,  no. 


Ward,    Nathaniel,   of    Hartford, 

183. 
Ward,  Nathaniel,  of  Ipswich,  21, 

159. 

Warham,  John,  75,  124. 

Warner,  Andrew,  67. 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  42,  51,  136. 

Welde,  Thomas,  75,  TJ,  113. 

Westwood,  William,  90,  91. 

What  borough,  1,3. 

Wheelwright,  John,  107,  109,  no. 

Whitaker,  William,  19. 

White,  John,  181. 

Whitgift,  Archbishop,  I2,  16,  19. 

WilUams,  Roger,  74;  advocates 
veils  for  women,  75  ;  denies  va- 
lidity of  charter,  78 ;  variously 
turmoils  the  church  and  colony, 
77-81  ;  argues  with  Hooker,  80; 
banished,  81;  humane  senti- 
ments, 100. 

Wilson,  John,  22,  65,  68,  76,  %Z, 
107,  109,  no,  114. 

Winthrop,  John,  67;  brings  the 
charter,  72,  76;  account  of 
Newtown  company's  uneasiness, 


INDEX, 


203 


83-85 ;  compared  with  Haynes, 
86,  87,  89 ;  letter  from  Hooker, 
103-105  ;  reply  to,  105,  106;  po- 
sition in  the  Hutchinson  affair, 
109 ;  letter  from  Hooker  about, 
1 1 1 ;  correspondence  with  Hooker 
on  governmental  questions,  121, 
122;  influence  in  securing  colo- 
nial confederation,  130 ;  letter 
from  Hooker  about,  131,  132 ; 
account  of  Cambridge  Assembly 
of  1643,  138;  of  the  books  writ- 
ten  in  consequence,    140,  141  > 


eulogium  upon  Mr.  Hooker 
152. 

Winthrop,  Robert  C,  statement 
of  his  ancestor's  position,  121  ; 
comment  on  Hooker's  preach- 
ing, 129. 

Winthrop,  Robert  C,  Jr,.  132  note. 

Wolcott,  Henry,  Jr.,  124,  128. 

Wollaston,  Mount,  61. 

Wood,  William,  73. 


Zelke,  Roger,  18. 


MAKERS   OF  AMERICA. 


The  following  is  a  list  of  the  subjects  and  authors  so 
far  arranged  for  ifi  this  series.  The  volumes  will 
be  published  at  the  wiiform  price  of  /j"  cents^  and 
will  appear  in  rapid  succession  :  — 

Christopher  Columbus  (1436-1506),  and  the  Discov- 
ery of  the  New  World.  By  Charles  Kendall 
Adams,  President  of  Cornell  University. 

John  Winthrop  (1588- 1640),  First  Governor  of 
the   Massachusetts   Colony.     By  Rev.  Joseph   H. 

TWICHELL. 

Robert  Morris  (1734-1806),  Superintendent  of  Finance 
under  the  Continental  Congress.  By  Prof.  William 
G.  Sumner,  of  Yale  University. 

James  Edward  Oglethorpe  (1689-1785),  and  the  Found- 
ing of  the  Georgia  Colony.  By  Henry  Bruce, 
Esq. 

John  Hughes,  D.D.  (i 797-1864),  First  Archbishop  of 
New -York  :  a  Representative  American  Catholic. 
By  Henry  A.  Brann,  D.D. 

Robert  Fulton  (1765-1815):  His  Life  and  its  Results. 
By  Prof.  R.  H.  Thurston,  of  Cornell  University. 

Francis  Higginson  (1587- 1630),  Puritan,  Author  of 
"New  England's  Plantation,"  etc.  By  Thomas  W. 
Higginson. 


2  MAKERS    OF   AMERICA. 

Peter  Stuyvesant  (i 602-1 682),  and  the  Dutch  Settle- 
ment of  New- York.  By  Bayard  Tuckerman, 
Esq.,  author  of  a  "  Life  of  General  Lafayette, " 
editor  of  the  "  Diary  of  Philip  Hone,"  etc.,  etc. 

Thomas  Hooker  (i  586-1 647),  Theologian,  Founder  of 
the  Hartford  Colony.  By  George  L.  Walker, 
D.D. 

Charles  Sumner  (1811-1874),  Statesman.  By  Anna 
L.  Dawes. 

Thomas  Jefferson  (1743-1826),  Third  President  of  the 
United  States.  By  James  Schouler,  Esq.,  author 
of  "A  History  of  the  United  States  under  the 
Constitution." 

"William  White  (i 748-1 836),  Chaplain  of  the  Continen- 
tal Congress,  Bishop  of  Pennsylvania,  President  of 
the  Convention  to  organize  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church  in  America.  By  Rev.  Julius  H.  Ward, 
with  an  Introduction  by  Right  Rev.  Henry  C.  Potter, 
D.D.,  Bishop  of  New- York. 

Jean  Baptiste  Lemoine,  sieur  de  Bienville  (1680-1768), 
French  Governor  of  Louisiana,  Founder  of  New 
Orleans.  By  Grace  King,  author  of  "  Monsieur 
Motte." 

Alexander  Hamilton  (i 757-1 804),  Statesman,  Finan- 
cier, Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  By  Prof.  William 
G.  Sumner,  of  Yale  University. 

Father  Juniper  Serra  (1713-1784),  and  the  Franciscan 
Missions  in  California.  By  John  Gilmary  Shea, 
LL.D. 

Cotton  Mather  (i 663-1 728),  Theologian,  Author,  Be- 
liever in  Witchcraft  and  the  Supernatural.  By  Prof. 
Barrett  Wendell,  of  Harvard  University. 


MAKERS    OF  AMERICA.  3 

Robert  Cavelier,  sieur  de  La  Salle  (1643-1687),  Ex- 
plorer of  the  Northwest  and  the  Mississippi.  By 
Edward  G.  Mason,  Esq.,  President  of  the  Histori- 
cal Society  of  Chicago,  author  of  "  Illinois"  in  the 
Commonwealth  Series. 

Thomas  Nelson  (i 738-1 789),  Governor  of  Virginia, 
General  in  the  Revolutionary  Army.  Embracing  a 
Picture  of  Virginian  Colonial  Life.  By  Thomas 
Nelson  Page,  author  of  "Mars  Chan,"  and  other 
popular  stories. 

George  and  Cecilius  Calvert,  Barons  Baltimore  of 
Baltimore  (1605- 1676),  and  the  Founding  of  the 
Maryland  Colony.  By  William  Hand  Browne, 
editor  of  "  The  Archives  of  Maryland." 

Sir  William  Johnson  (17 15-1774),  and  The  Six  Na- 
tions. By  William  Elliot  Griffis,  D.D.,  author 
of  "  The  Mikado's  Empire,"  etc. ,  etc. 

Sam.  Houston  (1793- 1862),  and  the  Annexation  of 
Texas.     By  Henry  Bruce,  Esq. 

Joseph  Henry,  LL.D.  (i  797-1878),  Savant  and  Natural 
Philosopher.     By  Frederic  H.  Betts,  Esq. 

Ralph  "Waldo  Emerson.  By  Prof.  Herman  Grimm, 
author  of  "  The  Life  of  Michael  Angelo,"  "  The  Life 
and  Times  of  Goethe,"  etc. 

DODD,   MEAD,   &  COMPANY, 

755  and  755  Broadway,  New  York. 


wm 


University  of 
Connecticut 

Libraries         :'y 


